理性推进高校政治理论课多媒体教学

日臻成熟的多媒体技术,为计算机辅助教学（CAI）注入了新的活力,成为近年来教学方法手段改革中的一个热点和亮点。但是,非理性地应用多媒体技术,不仅难以发挥其积极作用,更可能在一定程度上产生负面效应。本文主要针对高校政治理论教学,探讨多媒体技术的合理运用,反思当前多媒体技术应用中存在的主要同题及其症结。并提出相应的对策。     

The promise of uncertainty: Education,postmodernism and the politics of possibility

This article is set in the context of current moves in British education policy towards a fixed concept of 'what works' and a questionable certainty about 'best practice'. The author explores the value of postmodern thinking in challenging these state-endorsed certainties and in opening up new possibilities for research, critique and practice. She identifies four key areas of educational authority to which postmodernism offers a significant challenge: the authority of power/knowledge; the authority of models of learning; the authority of identity; and the authority of language. The author identifies recent work in a postmodern frame which challenges these authorities, and outlines current educational contexts in which postmodern thinking has a valuable contribution to make. In conclusion, she suggests that postmodernism opens a new window on the politics of possibility, offering one of the most powerful contemporary radical approaches to inquiry and critique available to the sociology of education.     

Utopian realism and a new politics of education: developing a critical theory without guarantees

This paper is about utopia and utopianism and the relevance of both to thinking analytically and practically about the form and content of education policy. Specifically, it commends a particular application of the utopian imagination - utopian realism - which entails envisaging possible futures in terms of detectable trends in actual social development. It also assesses the merits for education policy of a recent attempt to translate this kind of utopianism into a mode of practical politics known as the ‘Third Way’.     

Utopian spaces and the promise of education: a conceptual analysis

Abstract

This paper states that modern education and utopian discourse share one common trait, that of being structurally founded on the promise of human betterment. The changing relations between concepts of education and utopianism will be developed through conceptual analysis of the dynamics of the promise in their interweaving process. This shall be discussed through three main topics. The first is the appropriation of space in early modern education (sixteenth century onward), with particular emphasis on the influence of print technology on framing a new conception of educational spaces and practices. Second, the promise of the idea of progress in the Enlightenment period, which will become the further technological promise of a society-to-come, no longer spatially but temporally presented. Finally, the promise of autonomy through and against the modern subject, in which such autonomy is presented like the end of the journey through education, supposed that there is an end to such a journey. The key frame uniting the three topics is that utopian discourse journeying towards a normative conception of human society, as well as modern educational schemes journeying towards a normative conception of adulthood, are limited insofar as their respective promises, which are more impatient than the slow project of creation, more than often outruns it. The paper thus inquires whether or not there is a way to uphold the creative and imaginative possibilities of utopia in education, by acknowledging the pervasive effects of the promise on the social imaginary.     

Globalisation and Its Malcontents: In pursuit of the promise of education

In the course of exploring critiques of globalisation, this essay will focus on two postures—each with its range of arguments—that have emerged as alternatives to globalisation, namely, the delinking position and the subverting position. The first argues for standing “outside” of globalisation and its educational cultures and apparatuses. It brings together positions found in black feminism (as in the work of Audre Lourde), various religious, cultural, and ideology-centred approaches such as Islamic education and Afrocentric education, and critical dependency theorists such as Samir Amin, all of whom argue in one way or another for delinking the “South” from the “North”. The second argues for working “inside” the globalised world. This posture, represented by an eclectic group of philosophies and approaches that span radical constructivism, different versions of multiculturalism, and, on the left, old and new interpretations of Marxism, argues variously for developing more authentic and relevant pedagogies and for making a case for mobilising social structures behind political efforts to change the curriculum. The direction that this essay will take, in the course of critiquing these “outside” and “inside” postures, is to argue that neither is sufficient, by itself, as a reply to the assimilative and exclusionary impulses of the form of globalisation that dominates the world today. It is suggested, instead, that a way towards an alternative imagination to the hegemonic culture of globalisation lies in exploring the relationship between an engaged “inside” and “outside” view.     

The promise of experiential education in teacher education: transforming teacher beliefs and practices

Building from the theories of Dewey and Kolb and Fry, we sought to examine the impact of experiential education in teacher education on teacher beliefs and practices. The teacher education model described in this article sets out to challenge the seduction of the apprenticeship of observation and create an opportunity for in-service teachers to re-imagine their teaching in concrete and transformative ways. Immersed in a weeklong experiential residency in either the mountains or at a local environmental education farm, the teachers in the study were challenged physically, intellectually, socially, and emotionally in and through the experience. The experiential work ultimately led to changes in teacher participants’ beliefs and practices related to teacher and student roles and potentialities. Although challenges exist for this type of practice in K-12 classrooms and in teacher education, experiential education has a significant potential to change the way teachers think about and act in their practice.     

Liberal education and politics: Lessons from the American founding

Editor's Note: This essay was delivered at a Carleton University conference titled “Politicizing the Classroom” and will be published with the other papers by the University of Toronto Press in 1995. This essay is printed by permission of the University of Toronto Press.     

American education and American politics

International Review of Education -     

Left right out: Australian education and the politics of signification

In recent years there has been a shift in popular thinking and government policy on education in Australia, away from the social democratic consensus of the Karmel era, towards a Rightist perception. While a number of sources of this movement may be identified, in this paper I will focus on the politics of discourse. Drawing on Laclau's and Mouffe's developments of Gramsci's theory of hegemony, I will explore the ways in which various educational lobby groups have sought to produce a ‘common‐sense’ concerning Australian schooling. The examination of a critical historical incident is a useful way of illustrating the strategies employed by these groups, as their political efforts are particularly concentrated at such times.

In its 1983 Education Guidelines the federal Labour government announced, amongst many things, that it intended to reduce funds to Australia's ‘best resourced’ private schools. A bitter debate between supporters of private schools and state schools ensued. On the surface each party sought merely to influence the 1984 Guidelines which would determine funding policies for some time to come. At the debates centre, however, were issues to do with the nature and purpose of schooling and what and whose interests it should serve.

This historical incident exemplifies the politics of the contending parties particularly well. Private schooling was used as a symbolic rallying point around which particular definitions of education were constructed. This paper will focus first on the discursive strategies of the private school lobby and its allies, the educational Right, then on those of the state school lobby and the Left. My contention is that the private school lobby and its allies have achieved a discursive ascendency and my intention is to suggest some reasons why this is so and how it was achieved.     

New politics of higher education: Hidden and complex

Public universities in the United States are in a changed political environment, resulting from past enrollment growth and increased budget needs, centralization, the routinization of state-university relations, government budget uncertainty, and the emergence of strong competing claims on state or federal monies. The author argues that centralized government intervention is carried through technocratic approaches that mask the political forces at work. The article discusses characteristics of government intervention such as: buffer groups, formulas and data monopoly. It suggests these technocratic approaches hide the political weakness of the public universities. These, in turn, have been weakened. In conclusion, three new trends are suggested: (1) public universities will seek to do with less government support - that is, the privatization of some American public university services; (2) they will seek to increase government's or society's dependency on what it is the public universities do - that is, making universities more immediately useful to government and society; and (3) they will increasingly organize political coalitions both inside and outside the universities. This last strategy implies greater collaboration between faculty, students and university administrators and between higher education, the public schools and other potential allies.     

Cultural politics and vocational religious education: the case of Turkey

The ‘project of modernity’ that has transformed every aspect of Turkish society since the founding of the new republic in 1923 has been increasingly questioned and scrutinized in recent decades. Meanwhile, Islam has reasserted itself to become a real force in contemporary Turkish politics with ambiguous implications for long‐term social integration and political stability. Controversies surrounding religious education in general, and the Imam‐Hatip (prayer‐leader/preacher) schools in particular, exemplify the ‘cultural politics’ that has been going on between the secularists and the Islamists in Turkey. This article examines whether the Imam‐Hatip schools in the long run can play a positive role in the promotion of a broader educated Muslim base enabling the secular and the Islamic domains to cohabit successfully, or a negative role in which the schools are viewed as producing a new generation of Islamists resisting the secular establishment, thereby deepening the secularist‐Islamist divide.     

The global politics of education: Brazil and the World Bank

This paper questions the cultural neutrality of modernizationand globalization policies that are imposed by major internationalmonetary agencies. The authors propose that the structuraladjustment policies imposed by the World Bank and InternationalMonetary Fund are predominantly guided by the concept of developmentalassociation. Guided by this concept, the dominant countries andagencies perceive all developing countries to be merely culturalvariations of the same problem that assumes all countries requirethe same solutions. Through an analysis of the failures of WorldBank programs in Brazil and other developing countries, the authorsargue for greater recognition of the problems inherent in imposingcosmopolitan and global solutions on local contexts. The authorsconclude that globalized solutions for local contexts areinappropriate when they are formulated out of ignorance of thelocal culture and context.