对高职院校学生社团的现状分析及未来建设与管理的思考

高校学生社团在校园文化建设、大学生素质拓展和大学生思想政治教育工作中发挥着独特的、不可替代的作用。当前,高校学生社团整体存在很多问题制约着社团的发展,必须深刻认识并及时解决这些问题,加强对学生社团的教育和管理工作,实现社团档次的全面提升,真正让社团在发展校园文化、优化教育环境及全面提高学生的综合素质方面充分发挥其作用。     

大学生理论社团建设存在的问题及对策

大学生理论社团在高校大学生思想政治教育工作中发挥着重要作用,可目前高校理论社团建设中存在有些社团定位不准、部分社团经费紧张、部分社团受到校外势力的影响、理论学习的效果有待提高等问题。为有效解决以上问题,应采取的对策为：一是要提供实践平台,帮助社团开展社会实践活动;二是要鼓励从事思想政治教育工作的高校教师和工作人员担任指导教师,参与社团的建设;三是要关注社团中学生骨干的思想倾向,及时引导学生社团健康发展;四是要密切关注社团与各种社会组织的联系,防止敌对势力渗透到大学校园。     

Student school elections and political engagement: A cradle of democracy?

Studies have found that prior involvement in student politics while in school seems to be a good predictor of adult political engagement. While most studies of adults have obtained retrospective data on participation in school elections, there have been few studies of students about this activity. We contribute to this latter relatively unexplored area by reporting the results from a national survey of Australian secondary school students about the relationship between participation in school elections and future intended political engagement activities. We found that voting in school elections is positively related to feeling prepared to vote as an adult, to being committed to vote when 18, to political knowledge, and to engagement in forms of peaceful activism. Running for student government office is related to political knowledge and participation in peaceful activism. These results reinforce the findings of adult retrospective studies, and show that participation in school elections serves as a beneficial experience in the preparation of students for life as an active adult citizen. The implications of these findings for the structure and conduct of student elections in schools are discussed.     

The decline of Latin American student activism

If Latin America once represented a worldwide reference point for potent student activism, the region now stands out for the decline of activism. While other regions experience new forms and impacts of activism, Latin America's decline should be understood within two broad contexts: macropolitical and higher educational.The macropolitical context subsumes at least three major causal factors. One is the role of authoritarian rule, especially powerful in the 1970s but leaving a legacy that itself works against activism. Second, we must consider the more complex and mixed impacts of the redemocratization that has swept the region. The third factor is the general decline of the left both domestically and internationally.On the higher education side, decades of unprecedented growth in student numbers have fragmented the student body, especially as growth is accompanied by extraordinary institutional proliferation. Many of the newer institutions are inhospitable for student activism. Privatization has had an especially strong demobilizing effect. The institutional changes are accompanied by a changing profile of fields of study, away from some most associated with student politics. Finally, the concentration of top social scientists in research centers apart from the universities - and from the students - is also crucial.     

当代中国大学生政治社会化中的政治教育对策分析

在政治社会化的过程中,作为途径之一的政治教育,它所起的作用是至关重要的。正因为如此,本文针对当代我国大学生政治社会化过程中存在的障碍,从政治教育这一角度提出了帮助大学生明确其政治社会化目标;充分发挥“两课”对大学生政治社会化的主渠道作用;以校园文化为载体,营造政治文化氛围,促进大学生政治社会化;强化社会实践环节四个对策来克服这些障碍。     

律师参与政治:法治的和谐音

律师制度是民主制度的重要组成部分，律师应当是国家政治生活的中坚力量。现代西方国家律师们的用武之地都不仅仅限于司法领域，他们在社会事务管理方面也发挥着重大的作用。重要政治家通常都有过从事律师的经历。律师参与政治是具有深刻社会基础和优越的条件的。通过制度建构疏通和规范律师政治参与的渠道，赋予律师表达社会见解的独立地位和话语权利，引导他们凭借职业优势促进政治发展、维护社会稳定是十分紧迫的政治任务。加入世界贸易组织后，我国的律师职业也要与国际接轨，应当对我国律师参与政治的制度进行全方位的设定。     

Higher education in a world market

Recognizing that academic, scientific and technological strengths have become increasingly important in international relations, this study hypothesizes that the flow of knowledge resources among nations is interconnected with global political, economic and cultural relationships. As a means of validating this premise, this study analyzes one component of academic interaction - international study at the level of higher education. This article outlines changes in international study patterns in the decades following World War n and explores how the postwar context affected international exchange relationships. International exchange during the 1960s and 1970s indicated strong participation by students from Third World nations and the popularity of five industrialized host nations. These relationships are explored through a statistical study of the flow of students from 18 developing nations out to the world and to the United States in particular. The findings assess the importance of key economic factors (such as involvement in global trade and concentration of trade), educational variables (including national emphasis on education and the availability of domestic opportunities) and political arenas (such as international assistance and scholarship dependency) in determining international study patterns. As current shifts in our postwar world order unfold before us, better understanding of historical factors underlying international exchange may be instrumental as we anticipate its future within the context of new geopolitical alliances.     

U.S. College student activism during an era of neoliberalism: A qualitative study of students against sweatshops

This article sets out to examine the experiences of college student activists involved in Students Against Sweatshops on the Beautiful River University campus. Based on observation and interview fieldwork, the paper explores how students negotiate and understand their activism against the backdrop of neoliberalism. The paper concludes that being a contemporary student activist requires advanced time management skills and the capacity to ascribe multiple meanings to activities (for example, hanging out and doing activism simultaneously). This emphasis on using one’s time wisely resonates with students who are surrounded by the language of neoliberal reform. By analysing how students prioritise activism, outreach to new members and develop friendships, and position themselves as part of an international network, I show that student activism is influenced by the neoliberal environment at Beautiful River University at the same time that student activists are working to resist and counter such practices.     

Student activism in the 1970s: Transformation not decline

This article documents the decline of 1960s-style student protest, but argues that activism is far from dead on American campuses in the 1970s. The authors find that there is a new mood in America that is reflected in current student political activity and from which have emerged new forms of student activism. The analysis suggests that as student character and mood change, so do the forms of activism students employ. The implications of this conclusion are significant in terms of evaluating past research and setting a future agenda for research on student activism.     

发展主义政治体制的终结——以韩国及台湾地区为中心

第二次世界大战结束后,韩国和台湾地区都经历了独裁性政权主导下的以经济增长极大化为目标的经济高速发展阶段。尽管在推动经济发展的主体和具体发展方式上有所不同,但其共同的特征是经济的高速发展和工业化不仅推动着城市化的快速发展,也引发了产业结构和社会结构的巨大变化,城市、受过高等教育的人口、工业在经济和社会发展中的作用日益突出,社会中间阶层的地位和作用迅速扩大。多元的利益要求促使越来越多的利益团体通过参与政治的方式维护和发展自己的利益,加上大众媒介的迅速发展,政治多元化和民主化的呼声和要求日益强烈,而竞争式的选举方式使得政治反对派在此过程中一直发挥重要的作用。无论是发展政治主义体制和还是后来的政治民主化发展过程中,美国始终是不可忽视的外部影响因素。以卢泰愚的民主化宣言和蒋经国宣布开放＂党禁＂为标志,韩国和台湾地区进入政治民主化发展时期,而金大中当选韩国总统和陈水扁当选台湾地区最高领导人则标志着发展主义政治体制的寿终正寝,韩国和台湾地区进入了精英多元主义政治发展阶段。     

On rhizomes,lines of flight,mangles, and other assemblages

This article describes the discourses working‐class students at a university in Britain have about learning. The discourses include ideas about who is a good student, education as an investment, and marking. Students incorporate, in part, both neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative economic and political views into their perceptions of who should succeed or fail in higher education, but these notions sit contradictorily alongside their more social democratic principles of social justice.     

A gaggle of raging grannies: the empowerment of older Canadian women through social activism

This article explores a particular expression of social activism by older Canadian women to consider its implications for later life learning. ‘Older women’, despite their heterogeneity, have tended to be pathologized as a part of the ‘problem’ of ageing and languishing welfare societies—i.e. stereotyped as passive recipients of welfare and healthcare services. Yet, they can also be seen as part of the ‘answer’ to the challenges societies like Canada face. Given the combination of a greying population and the growing tide of citizens' participatory democracy, it is timely and important to shed light on older women's social activism. Based on document analysis and fieldwork with the Raging Grannies in Canada, this qualitative case study examines the influence of activism on women's later life learning and development from an interdisciplinary perspective including adult development, critical gerontology, women's studies and psychodrama. Analysis focuses on the Grannies' motivations, the strategies they employ in their activities and the process of learning and changes they say they undergo. Themes emerging from document analysis, interviews and participant observation of 15 Grannies in Ontario are divided into three categories: (1) ‘Raging Grannies’ as a self‐defined social role; (2) the Grannies' dual‐layered mask strategies; and (3) their collective identity and sense of empowerment. These do much to explain the successes of Raging Grannies' activism as a social movement, which fosters older women's creative energy, critical awareness and self‐assurance despite their physical and psychological problems in later life. Implications of the Raging Grannies' movement help us reconsider current trends in later life learning, which tend overlook the needs and abilities of women in the third age.     

Student protests in sub-Saharan Africa

This article addresses the question whether educational institutions will in the future become the arenas of social struggle in the African countries as other avenues of dissent become progressively closed. The paper first provides a brief outline of the social and economic context in the African countries in order to cast student political activism in the wider picture of the rapidly deteriorating conditions. Such an outline is deemed necessary to understand the genesis of student protests, and in particular, how school-based concerns (e.g., about declining educational standards) can escalate, providing the embryonic elements for the articulation of more widely-based social and economic questions which have no other avenue of expression in increasingly closed and repressive political regimes. The vicious circle of student action and predictable government reaction (e.g., repeated closures of educational institutions) which further contributes to the decline in the quality of education is then discussed. Finally, the paper touches on the problems of rising violence in student demonstrations, the solidarity which seems to be emerging between students and other social groups in some countries, and the potential implications for the struggles for democracy and political pluralism in sub-Saharan Africa.     

Political depression,cruel optimism and pedagogies of reparation: questions of criticality and affect in human rights education

This article argues that there is an urgent need to engage with a deeper analysis of the contemporary culture of ‘political depression’ and its affective implications in human rights education (HRE). In particular, the article focuses on the following questions: How might a theorization of political depression be relevant to efforts that aim to renew criticality in HRE? In which ways can a ‘critical’ HRE turn our attention to important ethical, political and affective questions on human rights? Can the negativity of political depression become a site for HRE pedagogies that are ‘reparative’? The article makes an attempt to articulate some of the content and strategies of pedagogies of reparation and their significance in what is currently being formulated in the literature as ‘critical human rights education’. Reparative pedagogies invite in the classroom the challenge of how students can learn from unimaginable traumatic histories, while acknowledging the affective politics of histories of violence, oppression and social injustice, without falling into the trap of sentimentality, but rather engaging in social justice-oriented action and activism.     

What PISA and ASPIRES studies tell us about the nuanced influence of cultural capital on student learning: Construct complexity,student outcomes and contexts

This article juxtaposes the evolving scholarship investigating the influence of cultural capital on student learning and the developing trajectory of sociologists employing quantitative research methods. It critically reviews results from 34 studies analysing PISA or ASPIRES data to generate three key insights demonstrating complexities in relationships between cultural capital and student outcomes. First, cultural capital is a complex construct with many variables (different forms of cultural capital, highbrow/non-highbrow cultural capital) varying in their association with student literacy and parents’ cultural capital affecting student literacy both directly and indirectly. Second, the influence of cultural capital may vary with types of student outcomes measured. Specifically, there are cultural variables associated with student literacy in different subjects, some cultural capital variables are more important for student literacy for a subject, and cultural capital influences student aspirations in addition to their literacy. Third, the influence of cultural capital on student literacy may vary with educational and social contexts. Cultural capital is more important in decentralised education systems, in low-achieving schools within differentiated education systems, in higher-quality schools and in more unequal, developed societies. In contrast, it matters less in high-achieving and standardised education systems, and in societies valuing education. Given the complexity in cultural capital, future research can ascertain how each cultural capital variable contributes to student learning and compare their effectiveness. It is also important to identify which cultural capital variables matter for specific student outcomes. Lastly, these insights highlight the need to recognise contextual differences in studies of social inequality.     

构建大学生重大时政学习机制问题研究

大学生身份特殊,使命重大,应该密切关注和认真学习时事政治,特别是重大时政。为此,高校应努力构建大学生重大时政学习机制。首先是要建立健全重大时政学习领导体制,再通过有效激励和考评反馈,保障学习教育活动依托展示宣传、教学渗透、政治学习、党课团课、学生活动、调查研究等方式顺利运行。     

论高校学生社团在素质教育中的作用

随着我国教育体制改革的不断深入,素质教育已成为各级教育的必然趋势。高校学生社团在实施素质教育中有着重要而独特的作用:促进学生思想政治素质和良好品德修养的提升;促进学生社会化程度的提高;促进对学生创新素质的培养;促进学生实践能力的增强。因此,在新形势下提高素质教育,必须加强社团建设。     

Language,education, and development: post-colonial societies and neoliberalism

Abstract

This article assesses the position of post-colonial societies within a neoliberal paradigm through an analysis of the role of language in education and the importance of adequate academic preparation for social development. Generally, teacher–student interactions constitute the foundational substance of learning processes. Since education revolves around language, omitting the way language affects classroom instruction amounts to omitting a key factor that might impede or facilitate education. Because these interactions tend to happen around textbooks, and given that textbooks are often ideologically saturated, an analysis of interactional patterns and textbook discourses may help to assess how the education system can improve students’ academic development and the external efficiency of the system. The article makes the case for post-colonial societies to define strategic visions that are in concert with their specific needs, as opposed to being strangled into grand narratives such as neoliberalism that may be counterproductive for the growth of their societies.     

Engagement,passivity and detachment: 16‐year‐old students’ conceptions of politics and the relationship between people and politics

While there is a wealth of literature on young people and politics, most studies have examined their interest, trust and participation in politics as well as their attitudes toward and knowledge about formal politics. Little is known, however, about young people and the concept of politics. This article investigates 16‐year‐old students’ perceptions of the concept of politics and their conceptions of the relationship between people and politics. This knowledge is valuable for citizenship and social studies education, as an increasingly polarised political climate poses challenges to democratic politics and, consequently, to young people's political engagement and participation. In this study, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with nine students at five Norwegian upper secondary schools. The students varied in their interest and involvement in politics. A main finding is that the students perceived politics as processes related to shaping society, as decisions and activities related to ruling a country, and as the activities of discussion and debate. Three conceptions of the relationship between people and politics are presented: engagement, passivity, and detachment. In addition, while the 16‐year‐olds participated in political discussions privately and at school, they stated that they did not participate in political discussions in social media. Implications for citizenship and social studies education include the need to strengthen the bottom‐up perspective on politics and focus on in‐depth understanding of political processes and tools and methods of social‐scientific enquiry, as well as providing students with opportunities for and practice with handling opposition in political discussions online.