A cross-cultural analysis of similarities and differences among Math Olympiads in China,Taiwan, and The United States

This chapter explores the cross-cultural similarities and differences of Math Olympians and their families from China, Taiwan, and the United States. Multiple theoretical perspectives are used with these comparisons. The results of these analyses suggest that there are more areas of difference than similarity among these Math Olympians. These differences are largely due to cultural factors emanating from philosophical beliefs and evolving political factors revolving around two major concepts: individualism versus group collectivism and intrinsic versus extrinsic factors.     

历史中影响台湾问题的美国因素

台湾是中国的固有领土,台湾问题纯属中国内政,但台湾问题始终是中美之间一个难以回避的问题。纵观台湾问题形成的历史,我们总可以发现美国人的身影,美国为了自身的战略利益,不断违反中美公报中的有关规定,插手台湾事务,甚至利用台独分子破坏中国统一大业。进入新世纪,美国在台湾问题上仍未放弃“帝国情怀”,这就决定了中美将会在台湾问题上继续斗争,而中国一定会实现统一。     

蒋介石抵制美国的"两个中国"政策

朝鲜战争结束后,美国慑于新中国的强大,基于台湾的战略地位,在两次"台海危机"及联合国中制造"两个中国"政策.蒋介石出于民族大义及所谓维持法统地位的需要,给予坚决抵制与抗争,阻止台湾从中国分裂出去,维护了国家领土的完整.     

从经济视角看美国对台军售

美国是世界上最大的武器出口国,对台军售一直是美国军火业的支撑之一。对台军售不仅可以在战略上牵制中国,在经济上更有刺激内需、促进本国经济发展的重要作用。对于台湾而言,每年花费数十亿美元购买武器,造成岛内经济下滑,影响两岸经济往来,长远来讲对台湾经济会有较大的负面影响。     

Educational productivity and differential socialization

This monograph summarizes parallel studies conducted in five countries: the Republic of China, Japan, Greece, Thailand, and the United States. The main focus of the five studies was to determine the causal linkages among socio-economic status (SES) variables, family processes, and school variables on mathematics achievement. This chapter contains information about the two theoretical frameworks used for these studies.     

卡特政府的对华政策与中美关系正常化

1977年卡特就任美国总统后，曾表示要继续推进对华关系，完成两国关系正常化进程，但同时又把对苏关系置于中美关系之上；在台湾问题上也是瞻前顾后，使得中美关系在他执政的第一年内没有取得任何重大进展。随着美苏缓和的受挫，美国政府决心加快对华关系正常化进程。经过双方的共同努力，中美两国终于就关系正常化达成了协议，从而结束了两国关系长期的不正常状态。     

1949—1950年美国对台政策评析

台湾问题是影响中美两国关系健康发展的一个核心问题。早在20世纪40年代末，随着中国革命的不断胜利，美国政府便酝酿调整其对台政策，设计了种种方案，试图与国民党政权这艘“沉船”拉开距离，最大限度地维护美国在西太平洋地区的战略利益。但是，此时的杜鲁门政府奉行的是一套互为矛盾的对华政策，所有对台湾政策的考虑只不过是权宜之计，其最后的结果只能是与国民党重新结合在一起。及至朝鲜战争爆发，美国的政策也最终明朗化。美国对台政策的转变产生的后果是极为严重的，它使得中美两国更加敌对。     

高校招生“多元录取”的中外实践与启示

多元录取在许多国家和地区的高校招生实践中都有所体现。中国近代大学的分类招生、台湾地区的多元入学、美国高校的综合评价以及韩国高校的多元依据和多样录取都是高校招生多元录取的不同实现方式。综合分析各种实践模式的特点,对当前我国高校招生录取制度改革有重要的借鉴意义。     

Gender differences in behavioral regulation in four societies: The United States,Taiwan, South Korea,and China

The current study investigates gender differences in behavioral regulation in four societies: the United States, Taiwan, South Korea, and China. Directly assessed individual behavioral regulation (Head–Toes–Knees–Shoulders, HTKS), teacher-rated classroom behavioral regulation (Child Behavior Rating Scale, CBRS) and a battery of school readiness assessments (mathematics, vocabulary, and early literacy) were used with 814 young children (ages 3–6 years). Results showed that girls in the United States had significantly higher individual behavioral regulation than boys, but there were no significant gender differences in any Asian societies. In contrast, teachers in Taiwan, South Korea, as well as the United States rated girls as significantly higher than boys on classroom behavioral regulation. In addition, for both genders, individual and classroom behavioral regulation were related to many aspects of school readiness in all societies for girls and boys. Universal and culturally specific findings and their implications are discussed.     

吉田茂的“中国观”

上世纪50年代初,日本首相吉田茂在决定日本对华政策时,曾试图在大陆和台湾之间搞＂平衡＂。但是,在当时的国际形势下,依附美国,选择与台湾＂建交＂是日本的最大＂国益＂。本文通过对吉田茂的＂中国观＂进行剖析,揭示出当年日本政府选择与台湾＂建交＂,并不是吉田茂＂心甘情愿＂的。但为了日本的国家利益,他宁愿＂牺牲＂自己的个人想法。充分说明,在制定国家政策时,国家利益高于一切。     

The development of civics values: an overview

This chapter lays out the research questions that guided the study and the methods used to conduct the study. The study was conducted in 17 secondary schools in six countries: Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan, Thailand, and the United States. The first research question related to the school's policies with respect to civics education. The second question inquired into the nature and extent of the curriculum activities that were provided for the purpose of promoting civics education. The third question asked how key stakeholders perceived the nature and impact of the implemented curriculum. The fourth question concerned the similarities and differences across schools within each society with regard to each of the first three questions. Interviews and observations provided the primary data used to address the questions.     

阻碍中国和平崛起进程的台湾问题及其对策分析

进入21世纪，中国政治稳定，经济繁荣，人民安居乐业，基本具备了大国崛起鲥经济和政治条件。而台湾问题是影响中国和平崛起的最大内部障碍和威胁。民进党台独的本性不会改变，台湾问题国际化趋势进一步加剧，美日因素更是加剧了台湾问题的复杂性，这些消极因素严重影响着台湾问题的解决。我们要坚持“一个中国”的原则，坚持发展，促进经济文化合作。加强两岸实质性联系，积极争取广大台湾民众的支持，同时发展积极稳定的中美、中日关系，努力避免台湾问题影响和平崛起大局，促进台湾问题的顺利解决。     

Does culture travel? Cultural influences on environmentalism in Taiwan in comparison to the United States

Abstract

This study investigates how the grid-group two-dimensional cultural theory (CT) of Douglas and Wildavsky, demographic attributes, and partisan identification are associated with environmentalism in Taiwan, in comparison to the Weather, Society, and Government survey collected in the United States. Results reveal that partisan identification better explains environmental attitudes and concerns in Taiwan, but its explanatory power is not comprehensive. Gender and age explain environmental concerns in Taiwan but not environmental attitudes. The impact of CT on environmentalism appears in the Taiwanese environmentalist’s group but not in the public, whereas CT has satisfactory power in explaining environmentalism in the United States.     

美国与台湾研究型大学普通教育之比较研究

现代社会学术分工与分科日益琐细,在求专求精的趋势下,知识受到严重的割裂。影响所及,培育出来的人才只有零碎的知识与技能,而无整体的观念与思想;只有本位主义浓厚的学者专家,而无宏观视野的知识分子。面对如此困境,西方大学自我检讨,提出普通教育（general education）的理念作为解决问题的方案。近些年来台湾亦重视普通教育的实施,“教育部”于2003年至2004年间对7所研究型大学进行普通教育评鉴,结果发现仍有许多改进的空间。本文旨在比较台湾与美国研究型综合大学普通教育的内涵与实施。进而提出对普通教育的改进建议。     

约翰逊政府与中国在联合国的代表权问题——以1966年研究委员会提案为中心的讨论

1966年,由于面临要求中国加入联合国的巨大压力,美国采纳了研究委员会提案,并支持意大利等国在联大上提出该案。美台为此进行了激烈争论,最终台湾勉强接受了该案。虽然在21届联大上这个提案未能通过,但是它的提出分化了“驱蒋纳我”的力量,拖延了中国在联合国代表权问题的解决。     

College Admissions,International Competition,and the Cold War in Asia: The Case of Overseas Chinese Students in Taiwan in the 1950s

Focusing only on education exchanges between the United States and other countries, existing scholarship fails to illuminate how American‐sponsored student migrations between other countries helped expand U.S. hegemony. This article attempts to rectify this limitation by looking at Taiwan's policies on overseas Chinese students (qiaosheng) in the 1950s. After the debacle of the Chinese Civil War and its retreat to Taiwan, the Kuomintang (KMT) sought to solicit overseas Chinese support and to counter Communist China's drive for “returning students.” The KMT‐developed qiaosheng program faced difficulties until 1954, when the United States, seeing that Taiwan's project could serve its anti‐Communist plan, started bankrolling the qiaosheng program, thereby enabling the KMT to lure more students away from Communist China. These findings suggest that overlooking U.S.‐sponsored student migrations between nations outside the United States renders our analysis of international education exchanges and American imperialism incomplete.     

台海两岸与美国互动关系的发展及其消解

国共内战引致台海两岸分治对抗,美国推行霸权蓄意阻碍两岸统一,这是台海两岸与美国互动关系形成的主要原因。台海两岸与美国的互动关系涉及广泛的领域,而从政治、军事及经济这三个关键领域互动发展的情况来看,台海两岸与美国的互动关系经过两个阶段的演进,中美之间由最初的冲突型互动,转变成合作与竞争并存型互动;同时台湾地区与美国之间由最初的合作型互动,逐渐变成了合作与竞争并存型互动。未来台海两岸与美国互动关系的具体变化与消解,与中国政府对统一路径的选择及取向密切相关,最理想的状态是促成美国无奈放弃干预,两岸和谈后自然实现统一。     

基于不对称互赖理论下的美台经济关系研究

美台经济关系显而易见不是纯粹的经济关系,它始终是美台战略、政治关系的一个方面,具有十分复杂的政治、经济意义。美台经济关系是一种不对称相互依赖的经济关系,美台经济关系由冷战时期台湾对美国的单向深度依赖,逐渐减轻为不对称的互赖关系。冷战后,在两岸经贸关系迅猛发展的同时,表面上呈现两岸经贸关系取代美台经济关系的趋势,特别是美台间的双边直接贸易关系也确实较冷战期间减弱,但大陆、美国与台湾经济的三角关系的形成,使得美台经济关系实质上并未受到太深影响,台湾对美国市场仍然深度依赖,只是在形式上与较冷战期间相较而更加迂回曲折。     

马英九执政期间日台关系之演变

建立于现实战略利益基础上的日台关系,具有更多的不稳定性和不确定性。客观地看,冷战期间以及结束后的今天,日台关系从属于日美台三角关系的格局并未有大的改变。同时,中日关系的大格局也影响着日本台海政策的调整。马英九执政期间,日台关系的外部环境不会有大的改观,既中日关系不可能有根本性的突破,一如日美关系亦不可能有实质性的偏离。因此,日台关系进入低调平稳的发展时期亦是历史当然。     

Professional development for school leadership: The impact of U.S. educational reform

This chapter provides an overview of three major reform proposals offered recently as strategies for the renewal and improvement of educational practice in the United States. Proposals selected for analysis include site-based management, greater freedom of choice for parents selecting schools for their children, and the adoption of accountability standards tied to the demonstration of effectiveness through reviewing student performance on mandated student achievement tests. It has been assumed that schools will improve if these measures are adopted. The chapter looks at these concepts and questions the impact that the wholesale acceptance of such practice will have on the role and function of school principals