我们知道

我们知道,谁也没见过风,不用说你和我了。但是晾衣竿上的衣物飞起来的时候,我们知道风来玩了。我们知道,谁也没见过风,不用说你和我了。但是大海掀起大浪的时候,我们知道风钻到大海里了。我们知道,谁也没见过风,不用说你和我了。但是大树点头哈腰的时候,我们知道风坐在树上乘凉     

我们知道

谁也没看见过风,不用说我和你了。但是我们的衣裙翩翩起舞的时候,我们知道风在那儿了。     

我们知道

shuíyěméiyǒukànjiànguòfēn谁也没有看见过风,búyòn shuōwǒhénǐle不用说我和你了。dàn shìchuān liánqīn qīn bǎidòn de shíhou但是窗帘轻轻摆动的时候,wǒm en zhīfēn láizuòyóu xìle dào我们知道风来做游戏了。shuíyěméiyǒukànjiàn uòfēn谁也没有看见过风,búyòn shuōwǒhénǐle不用说我和你了。dàn shìyún er zàitiānkōn sàipǎo de shíhou但是云儿在天空赛跑的时候,wǒm en zhīfēn zàiwèiyún er jiāyóu le dào我们知道风在为云儿加油了。shuíyěméiyǒukànjiàn uòfēn谁…     

我们知道

谁也没有看见过风,不用说我和你了。但是红旗在校园飘动的时候,我们知道风在那儿了。谁也没有看见过风。不用说我和你了。但是竹木弯腰鞠躬的时候,我们知道风正走过了。     

我们知道

谁也没有看见过风不用说我和你了但是当柳枝舒展的时候我们知道风来和柳树握手了     

请原谅我们才知道

很小的时候．常常羡慕瑞，是邻居家的女孩儿，父母彼此都是同事。在这个大院里，只是几栋楼的距离.     

我们才刚刚知道痒

痒是什么呢?字典里这样解释:皮肤或黏膜受到轻微刺激时引起的想挠的感觉。很无奈,连字典都只能告诉我们,所谓痒,就是指一种想挠的感觉。事实上,由于痒觉本身以及其发生机理的复杂性,人们的确很难用具体的语言来形容"痒"到底是怎么回事。而且,迄今为止并没有特殊的痒觉感受器被发现。     

爱 因为我们不知道

爱,我们不知道。不知道,才爱得更狂烈。这里说的是你知道的事,却也是你不知道的爱。不知道,我们还会去爱,但知道了,我们会爱得更好。你知道,请你也让他知道。     

许多事情我们不必知道

从全年劳作的农业社会到现在每星期5天、每天8小时上班的工业社会,人类的文明迈出了一大步。按理说,人类应该生活得比古人轻松得多了。然而,你再也找不到人们在墙角晒太阳和在茶馆毫无目的喝茶的悠闲。到城市的大街上随便抓一个人问问,不管男女老少,他们都会说：很忙,很累。     

终结我们所认知的大学——美国大学的重塑

美国研究生教育存在着专业面越来越窄的弊病,这样导致学科之间互相割裂,学者固守自己狭小的研究领域＂孤芳自赏＂,培养的学生适应性不强;同时,高等教育的终身制固化了这一弊病,内部变革变得更加困难。美国高等教育要想继续在21世纪保持领先地位,必须进行严格的整顿和全面的重构,内容包括：课程的重构;废除常设性的院系,打造以问题为中心的研究项目;加强大学之间的合作;改变传统的学术论文要求和教学方式;扩大研究生职业选择范围;强制退休和取消终身教职制。     

We Know Everything

一天．吉姆问彼得：“哪座山是世界上最高的山？”“喜马拉雅山。”彼得回答。“哇,你知道的真多啊!”吉姆说。“哈哈．我和我爸爸知道这世界上的所有事情。”     

What We Know,What We Still Need to Know: Teaching Adolescents to Write

The purpose of this study was to uncover any differences in the early reading and spelling processes of children learning to read in a first language (L1) and children learning to read in a second language (L2). The reading and spelling development of native Dutch-speaking children and minority children in the first two grades of elementary school were compared. The children were given a number of tasks to test their vocabulary knowledge and the efficiency of their word decoding (including grapheme knowledge and word blending), word spelling (including cipher knowledge and phonemic segmentation), and reading comprehension processes. Analyses of variance were used to test for differences between the L1 and L2 learners. LISREL analyses were used to explore the components underlying the reading and spelling processes in the 2 groups of children. The results showed that the minority children kept up with the native Dutch-speaking children on word blending and word decoding tasks. On word spelling and reading comprehension, however, the minority children were found to be less efficient than their monolingual Dutch peers. The structural models for word decoding and word spelling were highly comparable for the 2 groups. For reading comprehension, vocabulary knowledge was found to have more of an impact on the L2 learners than on the L1 learners. This finding suggests that children learning to read in an L2 should be helped to build their lexical knowledge and that reading instruction should be matched to this knowledge.     

Working Memory and Reading Difficulties: What We Know and What We Don’t Know About the Relationship

This paper examines the role of Working Memory (WM) in developmental reading problems, considering: 1) The operationalization of WM; 2) The unique contribution of WM to reading; 3) Domain-general or -specific explanations of decoding and reading comprehension deficits; and 4) The capacity of WM constructs to distinguish between reading disabilities and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). It is concluded that: 1) Significant problems operationalizing working memory measures remain; 2) No clear unique role for WM is evident in longitudinal studies of reading acquisition; 3) Existing evidence concerning the domain-specificity or generality of WM problems is hard to interpret given problems in identification and sampling of poor readers and operationalization of WM constructs; 4) Further work is required to specify the nature of WM problems in samples of poor readers, as distinct from other co-occurring problems such as ADHD. Additional research is suggested to address these issues more fully.     

What We Know and Need to Know about Preventing Problem Behavior in Schools

When chronic problem behaviors occur in schools, the tendency is to react with stringent and restrictive consequences. Recently, emphasis has shifted toward proactive prevention strategies. In this article, we focus on what we know and need to know about school-wide applications of effective practices and systems for preventing problem behaviors. We describe why this emphasis is important, what defines one prevention approach called school-wide positive behavior support, what current research results indicate about this approach, and what future research is needed to prevent development and occurrences of problem behavior in schools.     

Cheating in School: What We Know and What We Can Do

This article discusses how integrating technology into microteaching exercises within teacher education programs can help develop reform-oriented and reflective teacher leaders.     

Economic returns to education: What We Know, What We Don’t Know, and Where We Are Going—Some brief pointers

The estimation of the economic return to education has perhaps been one of the predominant areas of analysis in applied economics for over 50 years. In this short note we consider some of the recent directions taken by the literature, and also some of the blockages faced by both science and policymakers in pushing forward some key issues. This serves by way of introduction to a set of papers for a special issue of the Economics of Education Review.