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1.

No Child Left Behind (NCLB) has been proclaimed by some as a reform that will improve education for students from all backgrounds, in all locations. The main components of NCLB, however, are biased against students in small and rural schools. This bias, called “placism,” discriminates against people based on where they live. This rural incompatibility is evident in NCLB's accountability provisions, sanctions, and highly qualified teacher provisions. Problems in these areas are the result of ignoring, or distorting, the realities of rural schooling. The accountability provisions are constructed so that small schools will frequently be incorrectly labeled as failing. The sanctions, inappropriate for rural areas, fail to provide solutions to existing rural challenges. The “highly qualified” teacher provisions make it more difficult, not easier, for rural districts to attract and retain competent teachers. Unless these injustices are corrected, NCLB will serve to decrease educational quality for rural students.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

The No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) holds public schools accountable for the academic achievement of student subgroups that are larger than the state minimum-subgroup-size threshold. In 2004, California added students with disabilities to the NCLB subgroup categories. Using a regression discontinuity design, this study compared the academic achievement of students-with-disabilities subgroups that were just above the minimum-subgroup-size threshold to those just below the threshold. The results showed no effects of holding schools and teachers accountable for the achievement of students with disabilities after controlling for student performance and school characteristics of the previous academic year. Policy implications are discussed.  相似文献   

3.
The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) emphasizes educational accountability for all students. Twenty-eight states have policies to aggregate student participation and proficiency data for schools for the deaf in NCLB reports. The remaining states account for these students in other ways: referring student data to "sending" schools and aggregating data to the district or state level are most prominent. In reports of student assessment results for academic year 2002-2003, three schools for the deaf made "Adequate Yearly Progress" under NCLB: These schools demonstrated at least a 95% participation rate in assessments, and at least 95% of their students met or surpassed state proficiency benchmarks in reading and mathematics. Proficiency levels for other schools varied by report, but were often comparable to those of students with disabilities. Challenges and strategies for capturing the impact of NCLB accountability policies on deaf students are discussed.  相似文献   

4.
The No Child Left Behind Act imposes sanctions on schools if the fraction of any of five racial groups of students demonstrating proficiency on a high stakes exam falls below a statewide pass rate. This system places pressure on school administrators to redirect educational resources from groups of students likely to demonstrate proficiency towards those who are marginally below proficient. Using statewide observations of 3rd and 4th grade math tests, this paper demonstrates that students of successful racial groups at schools likely to be sanctioned gain less academically over their subsequent test year than comparable peers at passing schools. This effect is stronger at schools more likely to suffer from NCLB sanctions and is robust to corrections for non-random sample selection.  相似文献   

5.

A key provision of No Child Left Behind is the opportunity for students to transfer from a low-performing school to a high-performing one. Drawing from a case study of school reform in Charlotte, North Carolina, this article examines the implementation and early outcomes of NCLB's voluntary transfer option for the Charlotte-Mecklenburg School (CMS) district. For the 2004–05 school year, fully 92% of the eligible families did not exercise their choice to exit from their low-performing schools. The experiences of CMS illustrate how larger social, economic, and political contexts constrain the implementation of standards-based reforms like NCLB in general and, in particular, the limitations of the transfer option for improving academic achievement and educational equity.  相似文献   

6.
States participating in the Growth Model Pilot Program reference individual student growth against “proficiency” cut scores that conform with the original No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). Although achievement results from conventional NCLB models are also cut‐score dependent, the functional relationships between cut‐score location and growth results are more complex and are not currently well described. We apply cut‐score scenarios to longitudinal data to demonstrate the dependence of state‐ and school‐level growth results on cut‐score choice. This dependence is examined along three dimensions: 1) rigor, as states set cut scores largely at their discretion, 2) across‐grade articulation, as the rigor of proficiency standards may vary across grades, and 3) the time horizon chosen for growth to proficiency. Results show that the selection of plausible alternative cut scores within a growth model can change the percentage of students “on track to proficiency” by more than 20 percentage points and reverse accountability decisions for more than 40% of schools. We contribute a framework for predicting these dependencies, and we argue that the cut‐score dependence of large‐scale growth statistics must be made transparent, particularly for comparisons of growth results across states.  相似文献   

7.

A critical theoretical framework is used to analyze the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) federal legislation and its role in codifying and perpetuating educational practices and policies that contribute to growing campus militarism in urban schools serving low-income African American and Latino students. The author argues that NCLB § 9528 is part of a broader strategy by the Pentagon to recruit low-income urban youth for the military. The article examines how NCLB's focus on standardized tests and punitive sanctions reinforces urban schools' already narrow curriculum, leading to the diminished capacity of students to question militarism and challenge social oppression.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

The Common Core State Standards (CCSS) and their associated high-stakes testing are key parts of the federal Race to the Top (RTTT) initiative. There has been considerable resistance to both CCSS and related testing, particularly from conservative actors. This resistance suggests that CCSS has caused substantial tension within the conservative alliance that originally coalesced around No Child Left Behind (NCLB). This article examines the fracturing of the NCLB alliance in response to RTTT and CCSS.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

Prior to the 2012–13 school year, New York and many other states underwent changes to their accountability systems as a result of applying for and being granted waivers from the requirements of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. A key component of these new accountability systems, under what is known as ESEA Flexibility or NCLB Waivers, was the designation of the lowest performing 5% of Title I schools as priority schools with the goal of improved performance within three years of receiving their designation. The priority school policy included elements of both accountability and school turnaround to try to improve student outcomes in low performing schools. This study examines the extent to which elementary and middle priority schools in New York State improved in the three years since being designated priority schools. By the end of the 2014–15 school year—the third year of three to show improvement—I find elementary and middle priority schools did not show improvement and, in fact, performed worse than schools just above the cutoff for determining priority school eligibility.  相似文献   

10.
随着《不让一个儿童掉队》(No Child Left Behind)法案在美国遭到的质疑越来越多,奥巴马政府颁布了新的教育改革政策。其中包括加大学前教育投资、提高课程及评价标准、改革教师相关政策、发展特许公立学校以及普及高等教育等措施。与《不让一个儿童掉队》法案相比,此次改革具有更强的实践指导意义,但同时也遭到了反对派的质疑。新教育改革政策不仅承担着提高教育整体水平的职责,而且还肩负着使全美各领域从金融危机中复苏的政治任务,因此奥巴马教育改革政策在引起社会公众关注的同时,也引发了学术界的深刻反思。  相似文献   

11.
The Effects of State Decisions About NCLB Adequate Yearly Progress Targets   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
The No Child Left Behind Act allows states to vary (a) the trajectories they select to move from the baseline percent proficient or above in 2002 to the 100% proficient goal in 2014, (b) the minimum number of students required for reporting of disaggregated subgroup results, and (c) whether or not they will use confidence intervals when determining whether or not an annual measurable objective has been met. We use data from Kentucky for the years 2003 and 2004 to explore the consequences of different design decisions. The effect of design decisions on number and percentage of schools meeting adequate yearly progress (AYP) is large, with important implications for education practice.  相似文献   

12.
The author outlines the major elements of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 and describes the law's impact on deaf education. The law's stated purpose is to close the achievement gap with accountability, flexibility, and choice, so that no child is left behind. The specific goal of the law is to ensure that all students are 100% proficient in reading, mathematics, and science by 2014. No Child Left Behind has effected sweeping reforms in general education. But with 814 requirements, it has also created great stress in educators throughout the United States. No Child Left Behind poses particular challenges to education of the deaf since policymakers gave no consideration to the needs of deaf children in formulating this law. Clearly, deaf students must be included in school and state accountability systems,but the law leaves many questions unanswered.  相似文献   

13.

This article identifies two presuppositions underlying No Child Left Behind's (NCLB) system of adequate yearly progress. The first is that each state must bring 100% of its students up to proficiency on state tests by the 2013–14 school year. The second is that each student's test score must effectively be treated by the state as if his or her school were 100% responsible for that score. The article demonstrates that these two 100% presuppositions are unsupportable and then explores the NCLB rules in the context of the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause, which prohibits the government from arbitrary exercises of power.  相似文献   

14.

Our educational system is undergoing great scrutiny. The success of our nation's schools and their students is under serious evaluation and interpretation. Currently, one of the most visible and pertinent “political products” impacting our schools and students is the federal legislation No Child Left Behind (2002) Cohen, M. 2002. Implementing Title 1 standards, assessments and accountability: Lessons from the past, challenges for the future. Paper presented at the Thomas B. Fordham Conference: No Child Left Behind: What will it take?. February2002, Washington, DC.  [Google Scholar]. Specific concerns arise around schools' ability to include students with disabilities, among other “disadvantaged groups,” in strategies for academic success. Disability Studies contends that the place and positioning of disability is fundamentally political. This article uses a Disability Studies lens to critique NCLB. The potential benefits, problematic areas, and dangerous aspects to schools, teachers, parents, students with disabilities, and the community at large are presented within this Disability Studies context.  相似文献   

15.

Race is the social expression of power and privilege, and new racial configurations take shape in conjuction with alterations in the political economy of American society. This article examines the relationship of educational policy to the emergence of a new conception of racism that has appeared in the post-civil rights era: colorblind racism. Colorblind policies are championed as fair and just, congruent with the egalitarian aspirations of the Civil Rights Movement that culminated in the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964. In rendering invisible the salience of race, the goal of colorblindness is to make advantage appear as a logical consequence of the natural order of things. The non-recognition of race as a form of political power tacitly enables the colorblind ideal to steer education policy toward the reinforcement of the dominant culture as the norm and the maintenance of hegemonic social arrangements. The insinuation of colorblindness into the culture of educational policymaking, and of No Child Left Behind in particular, suggests that substantive educational restructuring may not be part of the nation's racial agenda.  相似文献   

16.
韦国锋 《高教论坛》2005,2(2):157-160
本文主要论述在<一个孩子都不能落后>(NCLB)的教育法案推行过程美国大学与中小学合作开展的教师教育活动,讨论NCLB对教师资质和素质以及合作伙伴项目的规定,在陈述大学与中小学对NCLB回应的基础上,探讨了美国大学与中小学旨在推进教师专业发展的伙伴关系.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

The age of accountability introduced by the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 triggered widespread development of local control-oriented policies in an effort to “leave no child behind.” Research makes it clear that such policies directly impact instruction. However, primary grade teachers are rarely included in these studies, leaving teacher educators with little empirical data on which to ground their work with preservice teachers as it relates to such policies. This article reports findings from a study of 15 experienced primary grade teachers who work with standardized curriculum materials. Data from these teachers’ experiences can inform today’s teacher educators as they prepare the next generation of teachers to navigate “one size fits all” curricula. Findings suggest that experienced teachers of young children adapt, augment, and extend the intended curriculum to promote academic proficiency in tested subjects in very specific ways. Implications for preservice teacher education are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
In this commentary on Al Otaiba, Hosp, Smartt, and Dole's article (this issue), key strengths, limitations, and systemic issues in the consultation project are identified. It is posited that despite expanded opportunities for school improvement since the implementation of the No Child Left Behind Act (2001) No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, Pub. L. No. 107-110 (H. R. 1) [Google Scholar] and clear evidence that improvement is warranted, school improvement remains an extremely difficult process. Several positive elements in the Al Otaiba project are identified. The need for increased attention to systemic variables, a closer examination of existing district policies and resources, and the need for systematic professional development are identified as project elements that may have improved the outcome.  相似文献   

19.

This article addresses one of the fundamental flaws of No Child Left Behind (NCLB): the disconnect it creates between the lived culture of schools and the inflexible mandates focused exclusively on scientific research. Specifically, we examined NCLB's Reading First Program, a grant program that focuses on promoting specific “scientifically-based” components of teaching reading (phonemic awareness, phonics, fluency, vocabulary, and text comprehension instruction). The data reported in the article is based on a qualitative case study of one high-poverty school in the Northeastern section of the United States. The findings suggest that missing in the story of scientifically-based research and accountability are the roles that context and individual student needs play in the professional role of a teacher in the classroom.  相似文献   

20.
With 3 years and counting since its inception, the scope and impact of No Child Left Behind is now being felt in classrooms across the nation. Although some successes have been identified, concerns about the implementation and expectations of the legislation are emerging. As a result of the legislation's emphasis on the development of standards and assessment systems in reading, mathematics, and science, educators of other core and elective subjects are weighing the impact of being left out of the No Child Left Behind formula of testing and accountability. In an attempt to ascertain the perceptions and sentiments of social studies teachers concerning the impact of No Child Left Behind and the concomitant issue of state-level testing and accountability policy, a tristate study was conducted. The findings of this research indicate that although elementary, middle, and high school social studies educators recognize the negative consequences of being left out of No Child Left Behind, they are not convinced that being included would be better for them, their students, or social studies education in general.  相似文献   

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