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1.
Presidential archives play a key role in preserving and making all historical materials from presidential administration available in one place, for research purposes and raising public awareness of the burdens of presidential decisions. This article seeks to develop a policy framework for managing presidential records in Tanzania. It employs interviews, focus group discussions and documentary reviews as data collection instruments. The article establishes that management of presidential records, apart from the Founders of the Nation initiative, is not clearly regulated by existing laws and policies. The article, therefore, recommends that the Tanzanian Government pay more attention to preserving presidential records, as they contain useful and sensitive information.  相似文献   

2.
本文从美国总统电视辩论竞选的历史谈起 ,论述了电视辩论对美国总统竞选和电视传媒的重要性 ,指出电视辩论既有好的一面 ,也有显在的缺陷 ,为电视机构带来滚滚财源的同时 ,也凸现了其负面意义。文章最后还论述了面对网络的挑战 ,电视辩论形式必须创新的观点  相似文献   

3.
Presidential libraries—each a unique combination of archival depository and historical museum—offer visitors an invaluable opportunity to examine millions of papers, records, and artifacts from the administrations of our chief executives. In response to a congressional directive to consider means of reducing costs and improving the preservation of and access to presidential records, the National Archives and Records Administration has proposed five alternatives to the current presidential library system. This article analyzes these alternative models from the perspective of the legal research community. After discussing the role of presidential libraries in legal research, this article considers the merits of each model and concludes that a central archival depository would best meet the information needs of legal researchers.  相似文献   

4.
This selective bibliography is intended to assist legal researchers in researching the 25th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.11 U.S. Const. amend. XXV; see generally, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, Constitution of the United States of America 484 (presidential disability and inability), 2295–2296 (presidential succession issues and the 20th Amendment); and 2317–2319 (issues of presidential inability and disability (Centennial ed. 2017). In addition to Article II, Clause 6, and the Presidential Succession Act of 1947,22 Presidential Succession Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80???199, 61 Stat. 380, as amended (codified at 3?U.S.C. § 19 (2012)). the 25th Amendment is part of the fundamental law governing presidential succession in the United States. This bibliography compiles books, book chapters, and law review articles to facilitate legal research in this area.33 U.S. Const. art. II, § 6. For a detailed account of the presidential succession issue, see Ruth Silva, Presidential Succession (U. Michigan Press 1951).

When ratified in 1967, the 25th Amendment culminated nearly 175 years of Congressional effort to resolve Constitutional vagueness on certain procedure involving the temporary or permanent incapacitation of the president. While the 25th amendment did not fundamentally change the constitutional procedure of presidential succession, it did significantly clarify areas of uncertainty with the purpose of complying with the apparent intentions of the Framers of the Constitution on presidential succession.44 U.S. Const. art. II, § 6. For a detailed account of the presidential succession issue, see Ruth Silva, Presidential Succession (U. Michigan Press 1951).

Since Donald Trump became president in January 2017, there has been an ongoing public debate over his provocative rhetoric and actions, and his reportedly dysfunctional presidency. In 2017, for example, questions arose about his emotional stability when he apparently tweeted threatening language involving nuclear weapons in response to statements made by Kim Jong-un, the leader of North Korea.55 Peter Baker &; Michael Tackett, Trump’s North Korea Retort: My “Nuclear Button” Is Bigger Than Yours, N.Y. Times A10 (Jan. 3, 2018).

In addition, significant concerns arose after an anonymous letter to the editor appeared in the New York Times, allegedly sent by a high-ranking administration official, stating he or she was part part of the “resistance” within the White House, which was attempting to block some of President Trump’s allegedly more dangerous actions. The author reported that there was a group of similarly situated White House officials who believe that the president was unfit for office and that there was an effort to remove Trump under the Section 4 of the 25th Amendment.66 Anonymous, Letter to the Editor, The Quiet Resistance Inside the Trump Administration, N.Y. Times 23 (Sept. 6, 2018). More recently, former FBI Director Andrew McCabe revealed that Justice Department officials had sought to discuss the possibility of invoking the 25th Amendment with cabinet officials.

Because of the critical importance of the issues involved for the nation today, this article includes sources discussing when the 25th Amendment can be invoked and whether Donald Trump’s pattern of statements and behavior could give cause to invoke the 25th Amendment. As current events suggest, the issue of whether Trump should be removed under the 25th Amendment is likely to remain an issue of public concern for the foreseeable future.  相似文献   

5.
贺心颖 《新闻界》2009,(1):65-66,82
本文从传播学角度,分析了奥巴马赢得2008年美国总统大选中的关键要素,阐释了网络媒体如何第一次彻底地充当了美国大选中的政治工具,在开展竞选宣传、组织支持者,拉选票、募集资金、跟踪和制造舆论、劝服选民等竞选活动中产生的巨大影响力.  相似文献   

6.
Which issues do political parties emphasize in campaigns? Selecting the issues to emphasize in campaigns is treated with the same importance as policy positioning. Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to understanding parties’ strategies of issue competition in presidential elections under multiparty systems. By analyzing statements of presidential candidates in the 2002, 2007, and 2012 Korean presidential debates, we find that presidential candidates use their issue emphasis strategies differently in presidential elections according to party size and ideological relationships with other parties. Specifically, a small party’s candidates have been more likely than mainstream parties’ candidates to pursue their issue ownership advantage. In addition, a mainstream party’s candidates have emphasized the issues of a small party more than those of his own party when the two parties have had a similar ideological foundation, whereas, when there were no such ideological similarities, a mainstream party’s candidate has only focused on issues of the mainstream party. Our results imply that the political communication used by political parties and candidates is conditioned not only by political contexts such as electoral systems or party systems but also by the size and ideology of parties.  相似文献   

7.
In October 2016, Donald Trump was in the midst of a hotly contested and sharply divisive presidential campaign. Days before the second presidential debate, The Washington Post posted a video of Trump “having extremely lewd conversation about women in 2005.” This video and the firestorm of criticism it provoked threatened to derail his presidential run. Mr. Trump and his wife Melania Trump offered several messages to repair his damaged image. This article analyzes and evaluates these image repair messages concerning Donald Trump’s “Access Hollywood” video. In such a divisive context, the defense had no hope of repairing Trump’s image with the general public (Trump lost the popular vote by 2.9 million). Even though he lost the popular vote, the business magnate won the Electoral College. We cannot say that the “Access Hollywood” video was solely responsible for Trump’s poor popular vote showing, but it is clear that this defense did not completely dispel the cloud surrounding him.  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

This study is one of the first to compare journalistic role performances of English– and Spanish–language TV networks during the 2016 U.S. primaries. Previous research finds that the corporate structure of Spanish–language media in the United States is looking more like its English–language counterparts and that Latino journalists share the norm of objectivity. Meanwhile, research suggests that individuals of different ethnicities turn to different communication channels and that this divergence can be explained by the degree of alignment in linguistic and cultural orientation. In this study, we therefore assess how linguistic differences of TV networks impact journalistic culture during the presidential primaries in 2016. As a crucial component of journalistic culture, we focus on journalistic role performance and find important distinctions: Findings reveal that the greater coverage of presidential candidates as sources on English-language networks have significant consequences for the roles journalists perform. Results suggest that the Spanish–language networks performed significantly more civic journalism roles than their English–language counterparts that perform an interventionist and service role. These differences are discussed alongside different audience-orientation of the networks that reflect deep racial and ethnic divides.  相似文献   

9.
Administrators in libraries of all types face the challenge of managing and planning in times of static or declining funding and rapidly changing technology. What tools do they use to gather and employ data for decision-making and evidence-based management? Are the same tools and techniques useful for all types of libraries? Although there are established measurements and metrics for academic libraries, there are few, if any, for others such as hybrid presidential libraries which are not part of the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) system. This column identifies the metrics used by the pre-NARA presidential libraries and compares them to metrics used by a subgroup of Carnegie Research 1 and Research 2 libraries, those that do not participate in Association of Research Libraries (ARL) statistics program. It identifies similarities and differences.  相似文献   

10.
As with the first televised debates in 1960, the 2012 US presidential debates accentuated the importance of nonverbal behavior in political competition, with President Obama receiving widespread criticism for his disengaged and arguably inappropriate communication style in the first debate. To investigate the perceptual impact of such nonverbal expectancy violations, this study first employs an experimental design to examine the consequence of inappropriate leader displays, operationalized as nonverbal behaviors that are incongruent with the rhetorical setting. Theoretical explanations about the evaluative consequences of inappropriate leader displays are described in light of expectancy violations theory. Results of a repeated measures eye-tracking experiment find support for the prediction that inappropriate facial expressions increase visual attention on the source of violation, prompt critical scrutiny, and elicit negative evaluations. These findings are further explored with qualitative analysis of focus group responses to key moments from the first and third presidential debates. The discussion considers the broader implications of nonverbal communication in politics and how expressive leader displays serve as meaningful cues for citizens when making sense of televised political encounters.  相似文献   

11.
The effects of new communication technologies on election campaigns, and the effectiveness of media-centered campaign strategies more broadly, remain ongoing subjects for debate in political science. This study provides some of the first empirical evidence about the potential impact of social media on the 2012 U.S. presidential elections, by testing the association between “candidate salience” and the candidates' level of engagement in online social media sphere. We define “candidate salience” as the extent to which candidates are discussed online by the public in an election campaign, and have selected the number of mentions presidential candidates receive on the social media site, Twitter, as means of quantifying their salience. This strategy allows us to examine whether social media, which is widely recognized as disruptive in the broader economic and social domains, has the potential to change the traditional dynamics of U.S. election campaigns. We find that while social media does substantially expand the possible modes and methods of election campaigning, high levels of social media activity on the part of presidential candidates have, as of yet, resulted in minimal effects on the amount of public attention they receive online.  相似文献   

12.
This article presents a content analysis of 93 televised adwatches that appeared on ABC, NBC, and CBS network evening news programs during either the 1996 presidential primary (n = 40) or general election campaign (n = 53). Since the media's role in a democracy often is highlighted by its responsibility to provide citizens with information needed to make informed and rational decisions, this article analyzes political adwatches in regard to the social responsibility theory of the press. Findings indicate that CBS Evening News journalists did a better job at incorporating adwatch recommendations suggested by academicians to improve voter understanding about potentially misleading advertising con tent. However, content analysis of 298 primary and general election presidential candidate ads revealed that television journalists did not identify or discuss ethically suspect technological manipulations present in a large percentage of the 1996 spots.  相似文献   

13.

This article examines the 1970‐1978 performance of the Office of Telecommunications Policy (OTP) as presidential advocate. OTP's involvement with six broadcast issues is documented and its effectiveness noted. Major constraints on OTP performance are analyzed.  相似文献   

14.
Air America is a self-identified liberal radio talk show network initiated in the months before the 2004 U.S. presidential election. This article examines Air America's efforts to gain legitimacy in politically tense times as well as attract audience through its use of comic genres. The article explores how its grappling with fundamental questions of political truth versus lies shapes the form and content of its shows. The growing popularity of Web logs may also contribute to the continued existence of the shows: Air America illustrates the reciprocal influences of talk radio and blogs, as well as the roles of both in political interaction.  相似文献   

15.
美国总统政治具有社会化表演的特征,随着网络媒介的兴起和"后真相"政治的蔓延,这种特征在当代显得格外突出。本文通过对美国总统政治网络媒介叙述文本的符号叙述学分析,综合媒介情境论、话语理论,明确了相关叙述文本的纪实叙述类型,并对其叙述内容中的"台词设计"进行辨析。同时,本文从否定性、肯定性两个向度出发,对美国总统政治的媒介话语策略及其隐含的权力关系进行分析,并强调作为解释社群的民众对叙述事件的意义解读决定着媒介叙述文本的类型、内容和叙述技巧。由此提出,对"后真相"时代美国总统政治的研究应当以关注其民众的接受状况为基本出发点。  相似文献   

16.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):138-157
This essay explores the aesthetic and rhetorical implications of prudent and imprudent presidential performance fragments embodied in photo‐opportunities, thereby addressing presidential rhetoric's “visual turn. “Assembled as a critical rhetoric text, this essay posits that presidential performance fragments privilege the dominant ideology and its power relationships. In addition, this project argues that prudent presidential performances signal a chief executive's consubstantiality with the mythic presidency, centralized authority, and active political leadership. Imprudent photo‐opportunity performances, by contrast, impact negatively a president's image, agenda, credibility, and authority. The essay concludes with a discussion of how political images symbolically affect the citizenry and democratic processes, and advances foundational issues for the critic.  相似文献   

17.
This article is a revised version of an address given at the Symposium on Presidential Libraries and Historical Scholarship at the University of California, Los Angeles, in 1993. While the article focuses on presidential papers, it does so in the context of broader access and information issues still facing the National Archives.  相似文献   

18.
Popular sentiment holds that President George W. Bush was able to successfully “spin” the news during the early stages of the Iraq War. Research on the president-press relationship gives some reason to believe this sentiment but leaves ample room for skepticism. This article clarifies the relationship between presidential and press rationales for the Iraq War, focusing on whether Bush's emphasis on certain rationales influenced the extent to which news media emphasized these same rationales. Using computer-assisted content analysis to analyze a year's worth of presidential communications and television news, the study provides insight into the interaction of these important discourses.  相似文献   

19.
Because the vice presidency of the United States was for so many years considered a “nonjob,” it is hardly surprising that preserving its records has been a nonissue for most of the nation's history. However, the vice presidency in recent years has emerged as an executive rather than a decorative role, and vice presidential papers have been included both in legislation to promote access to historical documents, and presidential orders delaying that access, such as Executive Order 13,233. The end result is that researchers arguably have less access to vice presidential records than before the groundbreaking Presidential Records Act of 1978, which should have opened doors to this increasingly rich source of government information.  相似文献   

20.
The pursuit of media diversity as a policy goal finds its foundation in First Amendment values which assume that the public welfare requires broad dissemination of information from diverse and antagonistic sources. Using 5 waves of panel data collected during the 2008 presidential campaign in the U.S., this article empirically examines the assumption that seeking diverse and antagonistic viewpoints reflects good citizenship. The results suggest that heavy consumption of liberal and conservative viewpoints together leads to higher levels of political knowledge, but suppresses political participation. The role of news media use in democratic citizenship might depend on quantity as well as on diversity.  相似文献   

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