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1.
In this study, I examined cognitive structures consisting of frames that people used in the open-ended responses to a survey question about cuts in welfare benefits. The study shows that patterns of individuals' entertainment and news media use are important sources of frames that people adopt in thinking about an important public issue. In turn, those frames partly derived from the media shape the public's policy preferences beyond controls for individuals' social location, ideology, interpersonal communication, and knowledge. Frames that are related to particular patterns of media use (e.g., increase in differences between poor and rich, need for specific approaches, some will go hungry) have power to alter even deep, ideologically motivated welfare preferences. However, the results suggest that the media's most important role may be in spreading out the field of thinkable solutions to public problems rather than making any particular position dominant in policy decision making.  相似文献   

2.
This study aims to explore second-level agenda-setting at the national level. In particular, it examines the relationships among the citation bias of the New York Times, national level public opinion, and Congressional policies from 1956 to 2004 in order to better understand mass media's role in national policymaking. In addition, it also tests one important intervening variable of the relationships among the three attribute agendas (the media agenda, the public agenda, and the policy agenda)—the president's policy liberalism.  相似文献   

3.
The proliferation of camera phones over the past decade has created an unprecedented landslide of visual information in the online public sphere, transforming the form and amount of communication in relation to crisis events. International research on this subject has primarily centered on the way in which the production and dissemination of eyewitness images convert mainstream media's coverage of crisis. This article broadens the perspective by focusing on eyewitness images in relation to “conflictual media events.” The article contributes to discussions on the definition of conflictual media events in today's mediatized and connective media environment, which has undergone radical changes from the era of mass media hegemony when Daniel Dayan and Elihu Katz first outlined media events. The article further examines the ways in which the circulation of eyewitness images erodes established boundaries between experts and laymen and between professionals and non-professionals in relation to conflictual media events. The bombing of the Boston Marathon in April 2013 constitutes the empirical point of departure.  相似文献   

4.
Despite concerns about high rates of teen pregnancy and sexually transmitted disease in the United States, the mass media adolescents attend to most frequently include little accurate information about sexual health. In this study, a preliminary quantitative analysis of the sexual content in four media (television, magazines, music, and movies) popular among 3,261 Black and White adolescents (12–14 years old) found that less than one half of 1% of the content included information about or depictions of sexually healthy behavior. A qualitative analysis of the relatively rare instances of sexual health content revealed that across all four media the sexual health content was ambiguous and/or inaccurate, reinforced traditional gender stereotypes that males seek sex and females are responsible for protection against pregnancy, and presented puberty as funny and contraception as embarrassing or humiliating. These analyses suggest that significant changes in the media's presentations of sexuality would be required if the media are ever to be considered a healthy part of adolescents' sexual socialization.  相似文献   

5.
6.
Using Leeds City Council in the United Kingdom as a case study, we analyse comparatively the changing role of local journalism in the public communications and engagement strategies of local government. Drawing on over 20 semi-structured interviews with elected politicians, Council strategists, mainstream journalists, and citizen journalists, the article explores perceptions of the mainstream news media's role versus new modes of communication in engaging and communicating with citizens. We evaluate the Council's perceptions of its online and offline practices of engagement with different publics, and focus in particular on their interactions with journalists, the news media, and citizen journalists. The article considers how moves towards digital modes of engagement are changing perceptions of the professional role orientations of journalists in mediating between the Council and the general public.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

A large body of literature in representational studies reflects a deep professional concern over the negative effect of the role of the media in representing significant Others. Western media's coverage of an international event, in this case, a football competition, raises some ethical questions about the choice of specific lexical items and textual contents. Drawing on the work of Stuart Hall's representation theory, this article examines how Turkey, a nation located on the semi-periphery of Europe, is represented in Western media outlets. By looking at the role that sections of the British sports press plays in their construction of the Turkish national identity, I evaluate the Euro 2016 and Euro 2004 reporting of the UEFA European Championship qualifying matches between Turkey and England. I apply a combination of lexical and narrative analysis, and I question the way that Turkey is represented in the British sport texts. The style and language used in the presentation of football games reveals that British media outlets are prone to present England's politically and economically powerful position, and its cultural superiority over Turkey. Findings also suggest that the discourse of the “West and the Rest” is alive in the modern world.  相似文献   

8.
This study examines US and South Korean journalists' use of sources and their perceptions of source credibility in covering the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear ambitions. In particular, this study analyzes the relationship between journalists' perceptions of source credibility and the media's source use in terms of the aggregate and individual levels. Results of content analysis of US and South Korean newspapers are compared with data from a survey of US and South Korean journalists who covered the six-party nuclear talks. Government officials are dominant sources in media coverage of the talks because of their high level of accessibility and credibility. US and South Korean journalists assigned the greatest credibility to government officials of their own country. The two groups showed significant differences in their perceptions of credibility of South Korean officials, North Korean officials, Japanese officials, and Japanese experts. Moreover, this study finds that individual journalists' perceptions of source credibility were as strongly correlated with their individual use of sources as with the news media's aggregate use of sources. Implications of the findings are discussed in the context of media sociology, in particular gatekeeping.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

Entrepreneurship theory complements established approaches to media management research with an alternative frame for viewing media ownership and the media's capacity for content diversity. Established entrepreneurship metrics were applied to media industries in the United States. All media sectors experienced varying rates in the second half of the last century; by the turn of the new century, nearly all were more entrepreneurial than any other U.S. service or manufacturing industry.  相似文献   

10.
This study explores the ability of an interaction between need for orientation (NFO) and selective exposure to explain citizen's motivations to seek information from specific media sources and the consequences of this behavior for attribute agenda-setting effects. It draws important conceptual distinctions between the two moderate NFO categories, distinguishing active involvement NFO (high relevance and low uncertainty) from passive involvement NFO (low relevance and high uncertainty). The results suggest that in a political context, people with active involvement NFO are more likely to seek ideologically congruent media sources and more likely to adopt the media's attribute agenda. This study implies that at the second-level agenda setting, the salience of issue or object attributes on the media agenda is more likely to strengthen preexisting attitudes for people with high political interest and strong partisan identity.  相似文献   

11.
Suicide is the second leading cause of death among adolescents in the United States. Imitation plays an important role in adolescent suicides. Identification theory suggests that media coverage of adolescent suicides can increase imitation suicides among adolescents. The present study examines this possibility using data collected from South Korea. It also explores the relationship between media coverage of celebrity suicides and suicide rates among adolescents. We found that adolescent suicides increase after media coverage of either an adolescent’s suicide or a domestic celebrity’s suicide.  相似文献   

12.
A probability sample of 592 Washington state voters during the month prior to the 1996presidential election was used to assess registered voters 'levels of involvement, confidence in the media's representations of reality, and political disaffection. Perceptions of incompleteness were associated with amplified feelings of cynicism. Perceptions of oversimplification were associated with increased negativism but were also associated with increased involvement. The results suggest that perceptions of oversimplification in the news contribute less to public disaffection than perceptions of unrepresentativeness. We argue that some skepticism of the news should be considered healthy rather than worrisome.  相似文献   

13.
This study investigates media uses and preferences across two generations and across television and video games. Path analyses using data from 335 families show that the number of hours of television viewed by the first generation (parents at age 30) positively predicts the amount of television use by their offspring in the second generation 18 years later, as well as their own amount of television viewing at that time. The analyses also show that the amount of video game playing among offspring is significantly related to their own as well as their parents' concurrent TV use. While there is no similar longitudinal correlation between a preference for violent television by parents at age 30 and that of their offspring 18 years later, parents' violent television preferences at age 48 are positively correlated with their offspring's concurrent preference for violent television content. Additionally, the violent television preferences of offspring are positively correlated with their own preferences for violent video games. These effects were found while controlling for SES, intellectual achievement, and offspring gender. These results suggest that the amount of time devoted to media use and preferences for violent media generalize across media modalities and are transmitted across generations.  相似文献   

14.
Media commercialization has long been suspected of exerting a negative influence upon political culture. The news media's interest in intrigues, personal details, and scandals rather than political issues in order to capture audience attention is regarded by many as a prime source of political cynicism. This article scrutinizes this claim by examining whether a commercialized media environment correlates with lower levels of citizen political trust across countries. Integrating cross-national survey data with country-level measures of commercialized political coverage, the findings indicate that, across 33 European countries, a negative link exists between media commercialization and political trust. Replication of the analysis with a separate cross-national survey across 28 countries demonstrated the robustness of the findings. These support the claim that media commercialization undermines political trust.  相似文献   

15.
Falun Gong caught the eyes of the Beijing leadership when more than 10,000 of its practitioners gathered at the Zhongnanhai government compound in Beijing on April 25, 1999. It attracted the attention of the world when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) started cracking down on the group three months later, claiming this to be the most serious political incident since the student uprising at Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. Scholars have attempted to contextualize the cultural, political, and economic climate in contemporary China that allowed this group to rise in a relatively short period and to assess the causes of the CCP's nationwide campaign oppressing the group. Relatively little attention, however, has been paid to exploring the media's role in supporting the government's cause in this campaign. This study examines journalistic narrative and framing of Falun Gong as a social threat in one news organization's attempt to legitimize the government's crackdown against the group. Although the economic reforms and political relaxation since the 1980s might have expanded the media's latitude, the press, especially state-owned media outlets, still functions as an agent for the Beijing regime in important political and social issues. This paper shows how journalists, through news frames, construct particular parameters within which to assess the ‘reality’ about Falun Gong.  相似文献   

16.
This study investigated how newspapers adopted partisan branding as a product differentiation strategy under pressure of intense market competition, through cases of conservative dailies in South Korea. Despite academic interest in news media's partisanship, only a few studies attempted to conduct analysis at the organizational level. Drawing on the hierarchy of influences model as a main theoretical framework, the present study examined how partisanship of newspapers was related to the social and economic forces. Evidence demonstrated that conservative bias increased as market competition intensified. Conservative bias was positively associated with the ideological mood of the conservative group, and the revenue decreased as conservative newspapers carried stronger conservative bias. These results will add insight into the prevalence of partisanship in today's media environment.  相似文献   

17.
This study examines factors that account for the success of traditional media's Internet spin-offs in terms of attracted users and the page impressions they generate. Based on empirical data pertaining to the German market, we derive a model explaining online success through the reach of the parent offline medium regarded as given, and the varying degrees to which 5 key levers are employed by the Web site management. The analysis demonstrates that differences in offline reach, considered as one of the main assets of traditional media to leverage online, account for only about a third of the differences in the number of users and for about a tenth of the differences in page impressions. Although the argument for the importance of offline reach (i.e., the brand equity to be leveraged online) is theoretically convincing, this analysis illustrates that the large differences in page impressions and the number of users still are predominantly due to the considerable disparities in manageable levers, inherently independent of offline reach. By benchmarking these levers, the analysis elucidates that managers of online spin-offs are far from maximizing online success.  相似文献   

18.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):427-428

Researchers have ignored the role of mass communication in the process of political socialization. Research on the media's influence in the election process stem from classical studies largely reported prior to the political use of television. Recent evidence suggests that mass communication may have direct effects on political behavior. Though the literature fails to resolve the question of media's influence in the election process, previous pronouncements of “limited effects” need to be re‐assessed. Suggested hypotheses for that assessment are presented.  相似文献   

19.
This study explores the relationship between age and the media's agenda-setting effects both by cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis. Using American National Election Studies surveys and the New York Times Index data from 1960 to 2004, we test three possible effects of age on the agenda-setting process: generational, life-cycle, and period effects. Findings show the public agenda is fairly stable across generations and age cohorts despite increasing signs of media diversification and audience specialization. More important, different generations’ agendas were overall correlated with the media agenda in each year, indicating robust agenda-setting effects of the media on the public, except for baby boomers. The findings generally support the hypothesis of period effects. Implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

20.
This study, analysing an entertainment-education drama's episodes and bulletin board messages about the episodes, explored the relationship between audience involvement and its antecedents. Episode topic and issue controversy were associated with parasocial interaction and reflection as well as behavioural responses (poll participation and message contribution). This study also found the possibility that entertainment-education interventions could be effectively executed by combining old media's entertainment and education function and cyber media's information and discussion forum providing function.  相似文献   

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