Global questioners: examining journalists’ aggressiveness at Chinese premiers’ press conferences (1993–2015)*

This paper explores the different levels of aggressiveness in five dimensions exhibited by journalists with diverse global backgrounds at the press conferences of four Chinese premiers. Four attributes of the journalists’ home countries are examined: (1) power distance, (2) press freedom, (3) stage of development, and (4) frequency of questioning opportunities. The results show that journalists from countries with lower power distances tend to be more direct in their question designs than those with higher power distances; journalists with higher levels of press freedom tend to show more initiative, directness, assertiveness, and adversarialness than those with lower levels; journalists from developed countries are more direct, assertive, adversarial, and accountable than their counterparts; frequent questioners are more assertive, adversarial, and accountable than those infrequent. The theoretical and practical implications of journalists’ aggressive behaviors are discussed.     

马哈蒂尔与传媒

本文通过阐述马哈蒂尔反对传媒过度自由化、促使华文传媒政党化、希望新闻报道有建设性三个内容 ,探讨马哈蒂尔实行比较严厉的新闻政策的原因与成效。     

Are we teaching trauma?

Covering violence is an expected part of the daily job for many journalists in the United States; however, are college and university programs fully preparing students for what they may experience? This study surveyed accredited journalism schools in the United States. Of the 41 respondent schools, only one offered a course specifically aimed at teaching journalists how to protect themselves from psychological trauma and how best to interact with victims of trauma. Results show that although schools believe the topic of trauma is important and worth teaching to future journalists, the approach to the topic is mostly reactive and inconsistent. Implications for the future of journalism education are discussed.     

Protection or Participation?

Children’s status as a particularly vulnerable group in society implies a journalistic obligation to shed light on children’s stories and listen to their perspectives, but their vulnerable position also means they deserve protection from potentially harmful news coverage. Based on a close-reading of two extensively covered news serials concerning irregular migrant children facing deportation, and on in-depth interviews with journalists, editors, and key actors working on behalf of irregular migrant children, the present article sheds light on how journalists balance competing, ethical, professional, and organizational concerns when reporting on issues concerning children. The article shows that while journalists say they are aware of the ethical aspects concerning extensive media exposure of young children, they justify the reporting by foregrounding children as innocent victims of the immigration system and by highlighting the journalistic obligation of shedding light on the wrongdoings of this system. The potential burden of media exposure is relativized as less harmful than the alternative—deportation. Theoretically, the article contributes to the literature on children in the news media, human-interest stories and journalism, and the role of journalism reporting vulnerable groups.     

我国地市报报业生态分析

本文以媒介生态位理论为主要分析工具,从媒介生存发展的角度,结合笔者对一些地市报的调研和有关文献,分析我国地市报的报业生态特征,以期为地市报制定发展策略提供一个可供参照的体系.     

新闻自由作为实然权利的泯灭——“情报门”事件管窥(2)

纵观欧洲历史 ,为争取出版自由进行最为持久、最早、最猛烈斗争的是英国。在“情报门”事件中 ,BBC秉承新闻自由精神 ,并运用新闻自由武器批评政府 ,但最后以失败告终。新闻自由作为一种权利 ,分为应然权利、法定权利和实然权利。应然权利的法定化是权利实现的一个最重要的途径 ,权利的法定化并不等于权利的实现 ,即不等于实然权利。而且 ,政府通常的做法是在给予权利的同时 ,又通过制定法律和强调社会责任来限制和剥夺 ,泯灭现实中公民的自由权利     

从古辛斯基的浮沉看俄罗斯传媒政策的走向

本文从俄罗斯“传媒大王”古辛斯基的案件入手 ,勾勒了普京政府逐步瓦解媒介垄断集团和国际资本势力、夺回大众媒介控制管理权的过程。本文由此分析指出普京政府加强媒介管理和舆论引导的政策趋向 ,并进一步透视俄罗斯从“国家利益”出发诠释新闻自由的本质     

第四等级报刊观念:基于历史文本的解读

在19世纪中期的英国,报刊作为第四等级与其他三个等级抗衡的力量得以充分的彰显。那么,在当时人们的心目中,作为第四等级的报刊应当享有怎样的政治与社会地位?当报刊被赋予这样的地位时,人们期待它能够起什么样的作用并扮演什么样的角色?本文通过英国报刊史上若干篇重要文献,包括1852年《泰晤士报》的两篇社论、19世纪英国报刊史两部专著,以及1855年《泰晤士报》主笔瑞夫《报刊》一文等,分析了19世纪中期的英国报刊史学家以及报人们是怎样理解第四等级报刊观念的。     

弥尔顿出版自由思想的局限性剖析

本文从自由主义新闻思潮发展史的层面 ,对弥尔顿出版自由思想的局限进行了简要剖析 ,并从思想渊源和现实层面对其原因进行了解释。弥尔顿的出版自由思想存在建制缺失、先验主义和非民主特征等局限 ,这些局限极大地削弱了其在自由主义新闻思潮发展史中的价值 ,在内涵与 1 8世纪和 1 9世纪的自由主义新闻思潮存在显著不同。     

ONLINE NEWS USERS’ SENSE OF COMMUNITY

The idea of geography is fundamental to local newspapers, both in the sense of community news and news from a community perspective. It has been suggested that “geography is dead.” This idea was tested through a self-administered mail survey of a sample of adults living in Maricopa County, Arizona, using geographic and online senses of community measures to determine the importance of geography in today's Internet-rich environment and determine if geography is really “dead.” The analysis focused on evaluating the mean sense of community measures among groups, and examining the use of newspaper weblogs in light of the print newspaper's coverage of a particular geographic area. Results rebuff suggestions that geography is “dead” and indicate that respondents are still attached to their geographic communities. In the struggle to find new models of journalism, newspapers must find a way to remain geographically relevant in print and on the Web.     

拓展教材内容培养职业素质——新闻传播史教学浅议

本文针对新闻史教学的特点,从三个方面探讨了如何拓展教材内容,培养学生职业素质的方法。     

How Journalists “Realize” Facts

The degree to which journalists realize their most basic societal role and provide fact-based accounts has been a point of contestation between several camps. While adherents to the notion of the social construction of reality have infused scholarly discourse with far-reaching doubts about journalists' ability to report facts, emphasizing the arbitrariness of their practices, pragmatic theorists of knowledge and realists, a minority among journalism scholars, have distinguished between practices more and less conducive to the goal of truth. The current paper presents findings from an exploratory study conducted in Israel, in which news-gathering practices are directly observed at controversy-laden press conferences. This arena avails a thorough observation of journalist–source exchanges, without breaching the principle of source confidentiality. The practices observed are juxtaposed against the news products, alongside reporters' own comments on their work and reasoning. We suggest that a pragmatic conception of knowledge among journalists is compatible with observable practices such as reporters' questioning tactics and choices of interrogative emphases, more so than journalistic notions of realism and the social construction of reality.     

THE RADICAL TYPE?

Despite the central role of the paper in Marxist–Leninist strategy, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had little confidence in either professional journalists, including those who were Communists, or journalism practices, even though journalism, like culture, was recognized as “a weapon in the (class) struggle”. While George Allen Hutt (1901–73) was a leading professional party journalist, his career hit a “glass ceiling”, even as he met the three criteria of Communist journalism theory and earned an international reputation as a newspaper designer. In spite of opposition to his role on the executive of the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) because of his party membership, he became the longest-serving editor of the NUJ's periodical, The Journalist. As both a loyal, lifetime Communist and the consummate professional journalist, Hutt's career provides a salient example of the ambiguous position of the middle-class journalist in the proletarian-dominated Communist Party. It was the emphasis on his “technical” ability that appears to have disqualified his candidacy for the Daily Worker's top editorial positions and to have justified support for his editorship of The Journalist.     

网络言论自由与隐私权、名誉权保护的冲突

公民的网络言论自由是一项公民的基本人格权利,然而,在保护网络言论自由时,常常会与隐私权、名誉权的保护相冲突。本文首先阐述了网络言论自由的内涵,价值及其弊端,并提出网络言论自由对隐私权、名誉权的影响。在此基础上,笔者详细论述了权衡网络言论自由与隐私权、名誉权的关系。最后,提出规范网络言论自由的建议。