论20世纪40年代后期自由主义学人的民主观

抗战胜利后难得的历史机遇,使自由主义者的民主建国热情空前高涨,他们在理论和现实层面均力主有别于国共两党的“中问路线”,对民主问题的理论阐发和探讨正是这一背景下的产物。民主的价值、民主的不同形式、民主的若干原则是自由主义者关注和分析的重点,他们对这些核心理念的系统论说,不仅体现着自由主义民主的精义,同时也反映了20世纪40年代后期自由主义新的发展趋势。更为重要的是,这些看似学理化的论说,其实有着深刻的现实针对性,从中我们不难体会他们渴望中国步入民主进程的拳拳之心。     

卢梭的“公意”思想对构建和谐社会的启示

卢梭是18世纪启蒙运动时期法国著名政治思想家。"公意"思想是卢梭政治学说的核心内容,这一思想中的民主、平等、自由理论对当代中国有重要的启发意义。当代中国最大的"公意"是构建社会主义和谐社会。民主是和谐社会的政治基础;平等是和谐社会的主要目标;自由是和谐社会的最高境界。     

精英民主分析的多维视角——熊彼特、达尔、萨托利民主观比较

熊彼特、达尔和萨托利是精英民主理论的重要代表人物．他们针对不同的政治现实提出了各自的民主理论和具有代表性的民主概念。通过对他们的民主观进行比较分析，可以看出精英民主与大众民主的结合乃是民主政治发展的必然选择。     

试论卢梭与杰斐逊人民主权理论之不同

卢梭与杰斐逊人民主权理论的差异主要集中在国家主权的分割、人民主权的实现方式、对自由的理解以及对国家权力的监督等四个方面。卢梭与杰斐逊的人民主权理论不但对法国和美国的资产阶级革命产生了深远的历史影响,而且对世界其他国家的民主政治建设也产生了深远影响。     

孙中山政治哲学的三维解读

孙中山是中国近代民主的开创者。孙中山认为,中国是半殖民地半封建国家,欧美社会崇尚个人自由的民主政治不符合中国国情。这种本质上是少数人掌权的民主政治,必然带来贫富分化与政府无能。国家自由优先于个人自由,起点平等与结果平等并重才是真平等,建立人民有权、政府有能的良善政治,是孙中山在哲学层面审视、反思中国问题与独特道路的理论成果。中国现代化的目标还没有实现,经济社会发展中还存在不少问题。孙中山关于自由、平等与良善政治的看法,对中国特色政治发展道路的探索,具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。     

美国费城制宪会议成功的三个条件

通常人们认为，在欧美民主史上，以法国革命为代表的大陆模式是一种激进革命的模式，他们满怀理想地追求自由、平等，追求社会公正等目标；而英美模式是保守的，缓进改良的。可是，如果考察两百多年来欧美各国的政治变迁，考察自由、平等、民主、社会公正等价值的实现程度和前后对比，就会发现，英美模式导致的变化程度，     

参与民主与协商民主之辨

参与民主和协商民主作为两个相互联系但又有所区别的理论和机制,在当前的理论和实践探讨过程中有时被混为一谈,这种情形不仅不利于二者的各自发展与借鉴融合,也可能对其产生错误的指导,阻碍民主实践的深入发展。因此,应当从两者对自由代议制民主的共同批判中初窥两者对负责任的公民、常态参与、实质平等、公民自治的共同追求,在协商民主论者对参与民主失败的反思与批判中审视和剖析两者在社会背景、发展策略、实现目标、运行机制等方面的区别,在总结参与广度和协商深度之间区别的基础上,初步探索构建"参与性协商民主"的可能性。     

我们是林中的自由鸟——《法国中尉的女人》中主人公存在主义自由共同点的解读

自由是《法国中尉的女人》中的一个重要主题。查尔斯与萨拉虽然生活在不同的社会阶层,但他们对自由的理解以及他们寻求自由的方式有许多相似之处。他们同享意志的自由,采取断然行动的自由以及他们追求的是超越爱情的自由。这些无一不在说明虽然道路不同,但他们的目标是一致的:自由是他们生命的主题,充斥着生命的每时每刻。他们可以放弃一切,但不能放弃自由。     

《旧制度与大革命》与托克维尔的政治自由思想

《旧制度与大革命》一书是托克维尔写于法国处在拿破仑三世发动政变建立和巩固第二帝国的时代,书中浸透着对法国命运、革命、自由和民主的深沉思考和对拿破仑三世专制政权的强烈仇恨．其闪烁智慧光芒的观点依然值得学习政治学的晚辈深思。尽管托克维尔在政治上倾向自由主义,对自由情有独钟,但这并未妨碍他保留着贵族般的情感。托克维尔的政治自由思想正是透过在旧体制与大革命之间、在贵族王朝与民主社会之间存在着的一种既断裂又连续的关系体现出来的。     

中国成人教育现代性动力探源

在西方,现代性是作为现代化工程的一个事件而发生的,自由、科学、民主、平等是现代性所倡导的核心价值理念。现代性也是100多年来中国成人教育从观念到理论体系建设的价值追求。探讨中国成人教育现代性发生与发展的动力问题,对中国成人教育现代性发展有重要的理论价值和现实意义。     

Liberalism,Pluralism, and Political Education: Paradox or paradigm?

Inspired by concern about promoting civic participation and preserving the liberal democratic state, political theorists have recently reignited a debate about the nature of political education in a liberal society. These theorists' arguments in favor of teaching toleration are significant for the progress of education reforms currently being debated and implemented in current liberal democracies and some emerging nations. Despite the increasing attention paid to the value of liberal civic education, however, its specific content is typically left virtually blank. This article aims to redress this gap in the literature by developing a coherent and comprehensive (albeit still very general) curriculum for liberal political education. To this end, Section I analyses the nature of the ideal liberal democratic state and develops a general curriculum for liberal political education based on the type of citizens needed to preserve and take advantage of such a state. It concludes by introducing two potentially illiberal outcomes of this curriculum: children's forced development of the capacity for autonomy, and the reduction of diversity in the state. Section II argues that the development of autonomy is actually central to liberal theory and liberal education more broadly conceived, while Section III suggests that civic and social diversity will persist, but rightly play a secondary role to the goals of liberal political education. The article concludes, therefore, with a reassertion of the content and importance of liberal political education.     

孙中山自由观的历史特征

孙中山领导辛亥革命的过程中,是以西方的自由思想为旗帜的。他的自由观的实质,是与封建专制主义根本对立的;辛亥革命后,孙中山在他创立的中华民国的立法中,充分体现了这种革命民主主义的自由观。但是,由于中国民主革命的极端曲折性,以及中国传统文化的影响,使孙中山的自由观带有了复杂的历史特征。这主要表现在,他对近代民主政治中的自由的本质,缺乏准确的理解。比如说,孙中山总是把社会团体的自由与个体的自由对立起来,甚至把个人自由看成是有害的东西,因此,在解决团体自由与个人自由的矛盾时,常常陷入困境;再比如说,他认为,参加革命党的人,必须以牺牲个人的自由为代价,每个党员要以绝对服从党的领袖为条件,这样,就形成了国民党内的"党魁独裁"体制。孙中山在自由观上的这些误区产生了消极的历史影响。     

A Longitudinal View of the Liberal Arts Curriculum a Decade After Merger: A Multiple Case Study of Community Colleges in Connecticut,Kentucky, and Louisiana

This study is an examination of the state of the liberal arts curriculum in community colleges in three geographic regions of the United States. From a constructivist paradigm and using globalization theory as a theoretical framework, this multiple case study examined faculty work life and administrative processes related to curriculum change in merged community and technical colleges. Through an examination of research on globalization, mergers, and trends in the general education and liberal arts curriculum, a gap in the literature emerged in the studies of community college curriculums after merger. This study considers whether the focus on workforce development and decrease in the transfer mission has diminished the liberal arts courses in the college curriculum. Research on liberal arts courses identified them as courses that emphasize higher order thinking and the development of intellectual skills needed to engage in a democratic society. If students are not exposed to these skills, it may have a detrimental effect on a democratic society. Study findings suggested that the English and communication curriculums are narrowing and the mission is more toward workforce skill preparation. Also, the changing demographics of today[#x02019]s community college students, as well as the ongoing budget constraints, create challenges and frustrations for faculty members.     

严复与近代中国自由主义思想范式的确立

严复是近代中国第一个系统阐发自由主义的启蒙思想家,他建构了一个囊括政治、经济、伦理和思想言论自由等诸多内容在内的自由主义理论系统。严复在肯定个体自由的终极价值的同时,主张群体自由与个体自由的平衡与协调,认为群体自由与个体自由在不同历史时期和社会发展阶段,二者应有所侧重或有先后之分。出于救亡图存的现实考虑,严复主张国群自由优先于个体自由。严复对国群自由与小己自由两种价值的关怀与思考,表征着近代中国自由主义独特的问题意识,即珍视个人自由与追求国家富强的内在困境。严复自由主义思想的系统性和个性特色为近代中国自由主义规定了大致走向,基本确立了近代中国自由主义的思想范式。     

Political Education in/as the Practice of Freedom: A Paradoxical Defence from the Perspective of Michael Oakeshott

Creating education systems that promote democratic sustainability has been the concern of political thinkers as diverse as J. S. Mill, Dewey, Benjamin Barber and Derek Bok. The classic dichotomisation of democratic theory between deliberative democrats and Schumpeterian democrats suggests that education in the service of democracy can be constructive—that is, provide a student with the skills necessary to elect her leaders without changing her nature—or reconstructive—that is, fundamentally and radically reshape the student to produce a citizen whose goals are transformed to be congruent with society. Michael Oakeshott, who has written extensively both on political regimes and on the purpose of liberal education, offers a third way to assess the connection between government and education. Despite his own dismissal of civic or political education as fundamentally vocational and thus beyond the boundaries of the liberal arts, this paper provides a potentially surprising Oakeshottian defence of political education within the liberal arts with reference to the importance he places on experience as a pedagogic tool. Thus, Oakeshott's educational philosophy has a certain resonance with the recent calls to locate the relevance of liberal arts within the burgeoning development of experiential civic engagement programmes in American universities.     

Moving beyond Mozert: Toward a democratic theory of education

Most liberal political theorists of education argue that it is better to teach students to tolerate diversity, than to protect the potentially illiberal commitments of some members of the political communities. In fact, neither approach is wholly satisfying, yet they remain the focus of much political theorizing about education. This article suggests that this misguided focus is, in part, a consequence of a focus, by liberal political theorists of education, upon the 1987 Mozert v. Hawkins court case. Mozert raised serious questions about the nature of toleration in liberal society, but from an educational standpoint, the Mozert case led political theorists to consider what curricular content is appropriate for liberal political education, rather than on the practices that democratic citizens must cultivate. I turn to Hannah Arendt to offer a critical account of the liberal responses to Mozert and then call for a theory of democratic education that fosters practices of democratic decision-making and has, as its aim, not merely to foster respect for diversity, but to allow future citizens to practice critical engagement with diversity.     

明治时代前期宪政思想论略

在明治时代，随着天皇制绝对主义政权的逐步确立，日本社会各阶层围绕着权利再分配的宪政问题，展开了激烈的斗争。在“启蒙期”培养起来的思想家们的宣传鼓动下，天赋人权、自由、平等等西方资产阶级民主思想渗入社会各阶层，最终酿成一场规模巨大的自由民权运动。在运动中提出许多带有民主色彩的制宪原则，力图创造出一个与绝对主义政权异质的崭新国家形态。但是，由于运动领导自身的先天不足和弱点，最终都回归到支持天皇制政权建立这一出发点上。     

当代民主社会主义国家理论

超阶级性和人性化是民主社会主义国家观的两个显著特征。民主社会主义对国家性质的分析,是以他们对现存资本主义国家的认识为基础的。社会民主党强调国家只是社会经济生活的“掌舵者”而非“划船人”;民主和专政是两个相互排斥的政治范畴,无产阶级专政妨碍了人性的自由发展;国家和公民社会应当开展合作;全球化进程对当代民族国家造成了巨大的冲击和影响。     

略论李白诗歌的自由民主意识

李白的思想是复杂的,儒道相糅,侠义纵横。其诗歌既是奋发的时代精神、宏大蓬勃的盛唐意象的鲜明写照,也是他豪放不羁个性的生动体现。这一切在其诗中集中表现为对自由追求,这种洋溢着自由民主意识的创作思想和艺术风格对唐诗乃至后世产生了深刻的影响。     

冯契的自由学说及其理论意义

冯契在继承马克思主义自由学说的基础上,对自由理论作了多层面富有新意的阐发.他界定了自由的含义,考察了自由的特点;探讨了主体如何获得自由,也就是如何培养"平民化的自由人格".冯契的自由学说对于提炼社会主义核心价值观具有一定的借鉴意义.