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1.
Portugal became the centre of an entangled airwaves ensemble during the Cold War. In order to demonstrate this, the article develops along two lines. First, it details how the Portuguese dictatorship, with ideological connections to fascism, allowed the construction in its territory of one of the most powerful retransmitters of Radio Free Europe (RFE), responsible for airing anti-communist propaganda to Eastern Europe. The collaboration between the Portuguese dictator and the National Committee for Free Europe, mediated by US diplomatic officials, played an important role in the development of the operations of RFE in the country. Second, the article demonstrates how Portugal became the target of shortwave broadcasts operated from abroad, aimed at spreading pro-communist and anti-fascist sentiments in Portuguese society. Some of these stations were established by the political opposition that used the airwaves to undermine the dictatorship.  相似文献   

2.
议程设置理论与后大众媒体时代的民意研究   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
关于媒体与民意的理论大部分提出于 1 93 0到 1 980年之间 ,这是一个仅仅拥有传统信息选择方式的时代。麦库姆斯和肖 (1 972 )最初提出议程设置理论时 ,用北卡罗莱纳州的教堂山 (ChapelHill)社区作为研究对象 ,而现在那里的媒介使用情况也已经发生了巨变。当我们迎来议程设置理论提出 3 0周年的时候 ,教堂山的受众现在面临的信息选择令人惊叹。在 2 0世纪 90年代 ,肖提出 ,美国的大众媒介已经经历了“兴和衰”(riseandfall)。肖认为 ,大众媒体时代结束于 2 0世纪 80年代。议程设置研究是否能像之前的 3 0年那样 ,继续开展下去 ?当受众使用着上百个信息来源时 ,议程设置和民意研究会产生何种变化 ?这是本文将要回答的问题  相似文献   

3.
李静  游苏宁 《编辑学报》2015,27(4):313-315
媒体融合是当前运用新技术和新手段创新媒体传播方式、占领信息传播制高点的重要途径,但其面临着忽视传统媒体、融合平台化以及缺乏复合人才等挑战.中华医学会杂志社通过优化内部生产流程、开办新型互动栏目、深度加工数据内容等进行了有益的尝试,探索了媒体融合的一些新模式.当然,媒体融合尚需解决监督管理、版权保护等关键问题,才能获得更好、更快的发展.  相似文献   

4.
Mark Hampton 《Media History》2013,19(3):239-246
During the first half of the twentieth century, colonial rule in the Indonesian archipelago was an important marker of international prestige for the Netherlands, which was merely a small power on the European continent, carefully guarding its neutral status against the Great Powers. After World War I, there was growing concern amongst several groups in Dutch society about criticism of the colonial regime in the foreign press. This article considers three organizations that aimed to set up an international information service about the Dutch East Indies in the 1920s. Although private individuals ran these organizations, they had close links with the authorities in The Hague and Batavia, indicating the emergence of a controlled media environment. Moreover, despite the fact that people involved preferred to use neutral terms to describe their activities, they aimed to provide the international public with propaganda supporting the Dutch colonial regime.  相似文献   

5.
This article explores the British and West German public service radio’s abilities to reflect on and to address the specific needs and expectations of migrant groups in their programmes between the 1960s and 1980s. Mechanisms of social inclusion and exclusion alike can be investigated here. Empirically, it is based on comparisons of radio broadcasts on and for different immigrant communities, produced by BBC Radio Leicester on/for the post-war Asian migrants in England and by West German public service broadcasting on/for ‘Gastarbeiter’ (foreign workers) as well as for ‘Spätaussiedler’ (German repatriates from East Europe). Radio is studied as an agent of identity management and citizenship education. Not only did radio talk about migrants and migration to introduce these topics and the newcomers to the local population. It also offered airtime to selected migrant communities to cater for their needs and interests as well as to facilitate their difficulties of adjusting to an unfamiliar environment.  相似文献   

6.
Around 1960, the politics of the emerging media society in Sweden tended to fixate the formative functions of mass communication. The monopoly of public service broadcast media, press subsidies and new tendencies in film policy were some of the issues around which uncertainty prevailed. New methods to provide reliable data were sought by politicians, since empirical facts were required as arguments for an updated media policy. This article examines the different ways that the field of media studies was introduced in Sweden between 1960 and 1980. We argue that Swedish academic media studies departed from, and emerged within, a rather diffuse borderland between industry, politics and academia. The formation of national media research in Sweden can partly be seen as an effect of politicians and the media industry wanting to be better informed on issues such as media influence, media ownership and the habits and composition of the media audience.  相似文献   

7.
Social media rumors are improvised and expressive forms of public opinion that especially arise under uncertain sociopolitical situations. This study utilizes early rumor studies as theoretical framework for textual analysis of Twitter public opinion. A content and semantic network analysis of Twitter messages spread during Korean saber rattling in 2013 was conducted for understanding public opinion in an uncertain context. The results show that, while non-rumor narratives focus on policy-level responses to the threat situation in a similar manner to institutionalized opinion polling, rumors are less concerned with official responses, instead reflective of hegemonic tensions between anti-leftwing political sentiments and the counteractive accounts. Some rumors reveal the public's coping with fears in the form of humor, guesswork, or wishes. Online rumor analysis helps understand how the society's collective memories interact with the current situational uncertainty in shaping public opinions and sentiments.  相似文献   

8.
This study sheds light on the recent use of social media for protests, with the 2016 South Korean candle light vigils as the case study. An extensive amount of literature has explored social media’s potential for informing and mobilizing the public to engage in protest activities. Previous research has mainly focused on the direct effect of social media on protest engagement. Moving beyond the direct effect, this paper sought a better understanding of social media’s role in the democratic process by examining how social media affects political knowledge and protest participation, depending on an individual’s political interest level. To test these relationships, this study used survey data collected in South Korea during the mass candlelight vigils in South Korea in 2016 (N?=?922). Findings suggest that the knowledge gap narrowed amongst those with high social media use, mainly due to a greater knowledge drop for those with high political interest. On the other hand, when it comes to participation, the participation gap widened amongst those with high social media use, largely due to a greater increase in participation for those with high political interest. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

9.
媒介全球化的价值宝库   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
透过全球化媒介认知社会和人类自身 ,将成为人类认识史上的一场变革。个人的“穴见”永远是局部的 ,事实的制度化往往使人们难以看到现实真相。知识的激增及全球化媒体的传播 ,形成了多维性信息的强势 ,真理自然显露出来。电视网络全方位的实境传播 ,把人们带到世界的每个场合 ,社会的一切秘密掀掉了掩体。传媒透析社会的理论 ,广泛地应用于社会科学和政治领域 ,人类开始把握社会的发展进程  相似文献   

10.
Research into Greek press history has not yet gone through all the necessary stages, including cataloguing, content analysis, synthesis and comparative study of the data. Only recently have researchers attempted to utilize information obtained from the press as an authentic source of information leading to better understanding of political and cultural phenomena and attitudes, and the reactions of public opinion—aspects of historical research that were not previously considered. The revitalized thinking that allowed the linear narrative presentation of previous years to evolve into more complex interdisciplinary approaches has helped broaden the thematic focus and brought the study of the press into the research limelight.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

This essay unravels the coalescence between bottom-up youth culture and state-led ideological work in China by examining the patriotic hip-hop music videos of a Chinese youth band. I attend to the ways in which the state-centric ideology is aesthetically evoked by co-opting popular cultural formats, maneuvering grassroots nationalistic expressions and appropriating symbols of both tradition and modernity. Hip-hop is thus localized and sanitized as a cultural medium of propaganda. The limitations of such co-optative tactics are also discussed, particularly the tradeoff between ideological control and authentic expressivity, and the risk of de-sublimating auratic cultural symbols for political persuasion.  相似文献   

12.
小泉政权的媒体战略   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文从当今日本入手 ,试图解读政治传播与大众传媒的关系 ,描述日本资本主义民主政治框架下政治权力对大众传媒的利用、控制及怀柔的概观 ,希望为政治传播领域提供一个“西方式民主框架”下的媒体对权力关系构造的参考  相似文献   

13.
This article introduces a group of articles on the history of paper and issues of scarcity in the history of newspapers and news media generally. The articles discussed share a concern with the parallels between paper scarcities in newspaper history and spectrum scarcities in broadcast history. This introductory essay comments on the similarities and differences between the two kinds of scarcity and comments more broadly on the rise and fall of bottlenecks in media systems, paying attention both to how scholars have discussed materialities of media communication and how legacy news media in the digital era have encountered a new competitive landscape.  相似文献   

14.
This study uses the framework of bridging and bonding social capital to explore how South Asian immigrants to the U.S. negotiate relationships amongst three social groups: their ties in their home country, their ties to Americans, and their ties to other South Asian immigrants living in the U.S. In so doing, it develops a model for immigrant social media use that contributes to an ongoing reassessment of the notion of community.  相似文献   

15.
Marconi proposes     
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16.
This study analyzes online reader comments on top US newspapers’ stories related to former congressman, Anthony Weiner’s, August 2016 sexting scandal. Audience gatekeeping was seen through such discussion themes as gender bias and sexism, political scandals, and sex addiction. The analysis revealed that the majority of reader comments significantly diverged from the news topic, and many comments about US politicians were uncivil. Furthermore, online discussions “drowned out” newspapers’ intended message about Weiner’s inclusion of his toddler son into a sexually explicit selfie. This study argues that online commentary should not be perceived as a dichotomy—a negative or positive development, a contributor or preventer of public discourse—but rather as a continuum of citizen engagement.  相似文献   

17.
定位·重组:媒体应对WTO   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
我国媒体目前面对的主要是拥有巨额资本的国际性媒体集团的竞争。同它们的竞争不仅是意识形态的竞争 ,而且是资本、设备和技术、传播人才的竞争。在竞争中最有发言权的是有钱人 ,传播权利的获得建立在充足资金的基础上。在国际性媒体集团纷纷将目光投向我国市场的今天 ,我国媒体如果不能及时完成经营观念的重新定位 ,不能及时融入世界传播体系之中 ,将面对被排斥、被挤压的恶劣传播环境 ,失去在世界传播市场上平等竞争的权利和机会。  相似文献   

18.
三种传媒道德问题的跨文化思考   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在我国已有的关于媒介伦理道德的研究成果中 ,多半是把中西媒介伦理道德问题分开研究 ,其实 ,中国媒介管理体制转型中遇到的一些难题 ,在中西媒介的比较研究中会更加清晰 ,也更有利于解决。因此 ,本文就媒介伦理道德经常遇到的有偿新闻、媒介歧视、媒介产品的煽情化倾向等问题进行了跨文化的思考  相似文献   

19.
当代媒介场研究导论   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
刘海龙 《国际新闻界》2005,(2):53-59,75
为了更全面地研究中国的媒介改革和各种现实问题,需要一个在宏观和微观方面适合中国国情并具有一定普遍性的成熟范式作为切入口。笔者认为,“媒介场”范式是一个值得注意的新视角。在回顾了场域理论的发展历史后,本文重点对布尔迪厄的媒介场范式进行了介绍和批判,并且对其在中国的应用提出了一些建议与方向。  相似文献   

20.
新型新闻寻租现象剖析   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
本文讨论了新型新闻寻租现象的特点及危害,并着重论述了造成这种新型新闻寻租现象愈演愈烈的根源:广告收入行业结构单一,缺乏同业和外界的有力监督以及政府的信誉担保。文章还就政府的信誉担保在新闻寻租活动中所起的作用提出了自己的观点。  相似文献   

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