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1.
The First World War is traditionally considered in history as a temporary halt for cultural and sporting activities. If the Olympic Games and the Tour de France were actually cancelled, football and rugby were in fact stimulated by the circumstances of war. Indeed, the gathering of allied nations behind the Western Front emerged as the main factor in the development of these two sports. Reading the sporting press and military archives shows that international sporting exchanges were stimulated during the Great War. To be specific, France benefited from the golden opportunity provided by the presence of the masters of the game to strengthen its practices and affirm its status as a sporting nation. Inter-allied sporting exchanges were primarily characterised by informal encounters between military selections. Then, following the recognition of these sports by the military authorities, the number of exchanges increased. At the end of 1917, the official status acquired by sport within the military forces created the conditions for the structuring of the French sporting elite. From that point, we can witness the birth of the first French military rugby and football teams, as they demonstrate, through their good performances during the demobilisation period, the progressive build-up of the international dimension of French sport during the war years.  相似文献   

2.
《Sport in History》2013,33(2):195-196
This article, which is based on original archival and press research, examines the origins of the Cold War from the perspective of sport in the post-war occupied zones of Germany. Both the western Allies and Soviet communist victors claimed that they wished to use sport to help establish ‘democracy’ in Germany. However, their conceptions of ‘democracy’ were diametrically opposed and each side used the sporting press to caricature and criticise the other. In the Soviet zone, sports reporting portrayed the West as elitist, professional in their ‘Taylorist’ methods and nationalist in outlook. Reversing their former hostility to the Olympic movement, the Soviet-controlled German sports press argued that only socialist sport could deliver true amateur ‘Olympic’ sport by democratising athletics for the masses. The occupying Allied powers made up of Britain, France and the United States were united in their rejection of unproven claims of Soviet superiority and denounced the ‘undemocratic’ controls imposed by the Soviets across Eastern Europe. The holding of the Olympic Games in London in the summer of 1948 as Cold War tensions increased provides a focus for these divergent views, throwing new light on the political role of the reporting of sport and of the sporting press in post-war Germany.  相似文献   

3.
Behind the shadows of an Olympiad replete with tales of Cold War acrimony and lavish commercial excess, emerges South Africa's bureaucratic attempt to achieve readmission to the Olympic Movement prior to the 1984 Los Angeles Games. In the backdrop of the Reagan administration's conciliatory policy of ‘constructive engagement’ towards Pretoria, the all-white South African National Olympic Committee aspired to cease its two-decade-long sporting isolation in the southern California metropolis. Drawing upon archival materials from the International Olympic Studies Center and public debates in the leading national and sporting newspapers and periodicals of the time, this paper will detail and analyse how International Olympic Committee president Juan Antonio Samaranch was forced to navigate a tight political tightrope over the South African issue. Any concession towards Pretoria would have likely agitated the African-bloc nations – a powerful constituency on the IOC with a proclivity for boycotting Olympic Games – as well as the global-nexus of anti-apartheid groups that vehemently opposed South Africa's participation in Los Angeles.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

This study examined the developmental sporting activities of the Olympic Champions 2012 in men's field hockey. The volume of organised practice/training and non-organised sporting leisure play in both field hockey and other sports through childhood, adolescence and adulthood was examined and compared between the Olympic Champions and (1) current national class players and (2) international medallists of one decade earlier. Analyses revealed that the Olympic Champions performed moderate volumes of organised field hockey practice/training throughout their career and attained their first international senior medal after accumulating 4393 ± 1389 practice/training hours, but they engaged in extensive other sporting activities during childhood and youth. It took them 18 ± 3 years of involvement to attain an international medal and they had engaged for 22 ± 3 years when winning the Olympic gold medal. The Olympic Champions did not differ from national class players in the amount of hockey-specific practice/training, but in greater amounts of organised involvement in other sports and later specialisation. They differed from the international medallists of one decade earlier in less increase of organised hockey-specific practice/training during adulthood and a longer period of involvement until attaining their first international medal. The sporting activities were characterised by sizeable interindividual variation within each subsample. The findings are reflected against the deliberate practice and Developmental Model of Sports Participation (DMSP) frameworks and are discussed with reference to the concept of long-term sustainability.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

This article examines current state of the new sporting cold war in the world of sports. It provides an examination of the 2014–2018 Russian doping scandal. Political and ideological prerequisites that triggered this scandal are considered, and based on obtained observations, an analysis of possible scenarios in the development of events is made as are recommendations for future progress in ending this unnecessary neo-cold war.  相似文献   

6.
The German re-entry into the Olympic Movement after the Second World War took place at the 1952 Olympic Winter Games in Oslo – the capital of a country which had been occupied by Nazi Germany from 1940 to 1945. The wounds of war had by no means healed in Norway at the time of the Oslo event; thus, the 1952 Olympic Games became once more a political issue. In fact, prior to the event, the question of German participation had given rise to numerous discussions between Norway, the Federal Republic of Germany and the IOC. Therefore, the West German ‘Return to Olympia’ was a process which took two years and required patience and diplomatic tact. The objective of this article is to trace this process both from the Norwegian and German perspectives since the research results on the subject available to date emphasised either a Norwegian or a German perspective. This approach also seems interesting against the historical background of the onset of the Cold War.  相似文献   

7.
《Sport in History》2013,33(2):213-235
In the autumn of 1965 the British Olympic Association organised a party of doctors, scientists and athletes to investigate the effects of altitude on athletic performance. As the first major example of ‘sports medicine’ research in the history of the BOA, the Mexican Research Project is multiply symbolic. This paper explores the significance of the research project, and the rich rhetoric of ‘amateurism’ that was used both to support and attack the IOC's decision to hold the 1968 Olympic Games at altitude. As well as being a significant moment in the formation of sports medicine as a distinct specialty in the UK, the Mexican Research Project also demonstrates the tensions and trends in the international sporting and political scenes.  相似文献   

8.
The aim of this article is to explore the relationship between elite sport policy systems (inputs and throughputs) and success in international competitions (outputs). A conceptual model of the sports policy factors, which lead to international sporting success, was implemented in an empirical environment in a pilot study with six nations. The study has sought to operationalise nine pillars, or key drivers in elite sport systems, into measurable concepts, which can be aggregated into an overall score for each pillar. In addition to a national sport policy questionnaire, athletes, coaches and performance directors were also involved in the collection of qualitative and quantitative data. Although the results are inconclusive, the findings suggest that some pillars could be regarded as possible drivers of an effective system because they were prioritised in the most successful sample nations: financial resources (pillar 1), athletic and post-career support (pillar 5), training facilities (pillar 6) and coach development (partly pillar 7).  相似文献   

9.
大型赛事对中国经济和社会发展的影响论纲   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
中国的许多政府部门和省市政府正在制定“十一五(2006-2010年)计划”,不少城市的这个计划中已经越来越多地把体育赛事,尤其是大型国际体育赛事纳入了思考范畴当中。这是国际体育赛事的经济和社会价值逐步被中国认同和接受的结果,也是中国的国家政策追求科学和可持续发展的表现形式。21世纪的前10年是中国大力申请和筹办国际大型体育赛事的高潮期。大型体育赛事对于中国经济和社会发展的影响主要体现在:刺激各项相关产业快速发展:国际体育赛事拉动建筑、旅游、金融、保险、信息技术、交通、通信等产业获得强大的推动力,进而带动整个经济发展;加快各项事务与国际的接轨:中间社会或民间社团的广泛参与推动社会结构的有序运作,民间企业和资本获得参与重大事务的机会,民众的开放意识和国际意识逐步增长,国际先进规则逐步被中国理解和接纳。  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

This paper examines how two Caribbean islands, Puerto Rico and Jamaica, developed ideas of national identity while negotiating political emancipation within two distinct, yet allied Anglophone empires. We can see this process through the Olympic movement and referred to here as ‘colonial Olympism’. Both Puerto Rico and Jamaica participated as colonies of the USA and Great Britain at international sporting events from 1930 to the 1950s. More than a benevolent gesture by the USA or Great Britain, Puerto Rico and Jamaica’s participation was intended to foster international goodwill through sport, including crucial notions of Pan Americanism. Comparing these two islands, and the metropolises they represented, offers a good way to understand the commonalities and differences in the US and Great Britain’s geopolitical interests in Latin America. However, the Olympic and the Pan-American Games gave both colonies the perfect scenario to perform as separate nations and fed a sense of distinct peoplehood. Sport leaders from both islands negotiated their way into nationhood by the very fact of participating in the Olympic movement, albeit as non-sovereign states. In turn, having Olympic nationhood became another important tool in both islands’ quest for decolonization, contributing an important angle to better understand twentieth-century international politics and decolonization processes.  相似文献   

11.
International sporting associations (ISAs) like the International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA), the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA) have throughout the twentieth century promoted political neutrality as a source of autonomy. With FIFA and the IOC’s official adherence to the United Nations’ human rights conventions in 2017, FIA remains one of the few large ISAs where neutrality is not underpinned by a corrective on human rights. However, this position is in conflict with the ethical obligations FIA contracted when it was given full recognition by the IOC in 2013. To discuss this problematic, this paper draws upon J.S. Mill’s On Liberty and the concept of ‘inaction’ as a source for ways in which the FIA might reconsider its current stance.

Abbreviations: IOC (International Olympic Committee); FIA (Federation Internationale de l'Automobile); FIFA (International Federation of Football Associations); ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross); ISA (International Sporting Associations); UEFA (Union of European Football Associations)  相似文献   


12.
Bruce Coe 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(18):2313-2325
In 1912, two women and 26 men comprised the Australasian team at the 1912 Olympic Games in Stockholm, Sweden. Over the following years during World War I, 77% of the male members of the team volunteered to serve the British Empire. Four made the supreme sacrifice, one of whom was the great, highly respected swimmer Cecil Healy. Many were wounded and a sizeable number were highly decorated for their war service. This article examines the contribution of the 1912 Australasian Olympians to the Great War, and the participation of a number in the post-hostilities Inter-Allied sporting competitions.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

After the Japanese Occupation ended in September 1945, Singapore experienced a brief period of British Military Administration. During the next three years of rehabilitation under civil administration, sport in Singapore became an instrument of identity creation. Administrators and stakeholders strove to establish an international profile. There was a desire to forge a Pan-Malayan sporting body and then the priority was to join the Olympic Movement. Tensions arose between interdependent organizations and the individuals representing interest groups. Civil administrators were predominantly British. The Chinese, who retained strong affiliations to nationalist China, represented the vast majority of the population. These two communities had their own ideas on how best to promote sport. A complicating factor was the growing threat of communism and the transition in political power in China. Two plans evolved that created a unique setting for representative sport in Singapore. Membership of the International Olympic Committee was the first step for athletes aspiring to represent the new Singapore Colony team itself. For the Chinese there was an alternative path. They became motivated to attend the China Games in Shanghai, with the hope that it would lead to selection for the China team at the Olympic Games in London.  相似文献   

14.
This article traces the history of the Olympic participation of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, then the British colony of Southern Rhodesia, and then unilaterally independent settler-ruled Rhodesia after 1965, placing heavy emphasis on the racially integrated aspects of the sporting sphere. Rhodesia's status in the International Olympic Committee inevitably came under assault after 1965 owing to its white government and international sporting sanctions. The battles of the press, the high-level diplomatic manoeuvring, and finally the IOC debate first to exclude Rhodesia from Munich and then to permanently expel the Rhodesian NOC in 1975 are analysed in detail. As a charismatic organization, the IOC operated outside the world of rules and rational principles, devoted to certain values expressed in ‘Olympism’. Because of this commitment, and the resulting belief that politics had no place in sport, the IOC was insulated from the great changes taking place in the world at large. The newly independent world sought to make democratic equality a part of the Olympic vision, trumping the long-held charismatic principles of the IOC; the expulsion of Rhodesia was the culmination of this trend.  相似文献   

15.
张瑞林 《体育学刊》2011,18(6):32-36
对我国体育用品国际贸易优势进行了定量和定性分析,结果显示:我国体育用品业具有明显的国际贸易优势,但是贸易优势之下存在低层次繁荣的隐忧。建议从政府、研发机构、市场和企业4个方面促进我国体育用品业贸易优势从产业转移式向技术创新式的形成机制转变。  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

In the period from1976 to1990 during the international campaign against apartheid, some affiliate members of the USA Rugby Football Union, went out of their way to establish and maintain a strong relationship with the South African Rugby Football Board and its successor, the South African Rugby Board. Over the course of six reciprocal tours, they ignored the campaigns of the worldwide anti-apartheid movement and the British Commonwealth. In their dogged pursuit of a sporting relationship with a key South African cultural institution that buttressed apartheid in a sport that, at best, enjoyed minority status in the United States, they defied both their own national federation and the American Olympic Committee. By 1990 as the international campaign against apartheid became a truly worldwide affair, US–South Africa rugby relations were suspended in line with larger political developments both within and outside of the country. This essay, beyond mapping the trials and tribulations of that relationship, also foregrounds a largely hidden history in order to fill the existing gap in the official sporting histories of both the United States and South Africa.  相似文献   

17.
Olympic sport is a double-edged sword. It has the potential to bring nations together and to transmit values, but it can also demonstrate international political tensions and conflicting national structural characteristics. As part of the International Olympic Movement from the very beginning, Hungary is one of the few nations to have taken part in the (Summer) Olympic Games in London for the third time. The Olympic presence of Hungary has been almost continuous in spite of the significant transformations of its state ideology, sport structures and political background. In 1908, within the framework of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Hungarian Kingdom endeavoured to demonstrate its autonomy and courage with its memorable Olympic successes in London. A People's Republic was being formed in Hungary at the time of the second London Olympic Games in 1948. The socialist ideology and the self-display of socialist–communist ambitions characterised the preparation and the participation of the Hungarian athletes. Hungary is celebrating the year of its third London Games with a democratic system in the background, built up from 1989, and a new Constitution adopted in 2011. Furthermore, the Hungarian Sport Act was renewed in 2012, due to which the Hungarian Olympic Committee has gained increased power, which might provide new ways of solving the financial problems within Hungarian elite sport.  相似文献   

18.
Within anti-doping efforts, an emphasis has been placed on the importance of providing education programmes to key stakeholder groups, including coaches. Yet, very little is known about current coach education provision in the anti-doping domain across countries and sports. Therefore, this study aimed to: (1) establish the current status of anti-doping education for coaches; (2) gain an understanding of the system through which anti-doping education is provided to coaches; and, (3) explore the opportunities for future education provision. This was done through semi-structured interviews with thirteen individuals responsible for managing anti-doping education within national and international sporting and anti-doping organisations. Most stakeholders acknowledged the importance of providing education programmes for coaches. Some already had provision in place and others were in the process of developing programmes. However, the current focus is on sportspeople and the degree to which sporting and anti-doping organisations are able to devise, implement and evaluate anti-doping education programmes for coaches is hindered by the contextual constraints they face. These include a lack of resources and limited interagency coordination, as well as challenges to overcome negative perceptions of ‘anti-doping’ efforts. Taken together, the findings indicate that policy expectations regarding anti-doping education for coaches are not being fully operationalised, and this situation is unlikely to change without: (1) greater direction and regulation of the system through which education is provided; (2) frequent and effective communication and cooperation between Code signatories; and, (3) increased fiscal and human capital investment at every level of the sporting hierarchy. Ultimately, until anti-doping education is shown to be a key priority for decision makers within sporting organisations (i.e., chief executives and board members), it is unlikely to become a central priority for coaches.  相似文献   

19.
While the politicisation of high-performance sport is perceived to represent one of the driving forces behind doping, we know not much how exactly the cold war in sports has affected sporting misconduct in western societies. Therefore, we propose here to distinguish between ideological and institutional politicisation and explicit and implicit acceptance of dubious practices. We apply our framework to analyse the West German ‘air clyster’ affair of 1976 in order to examine to what extent the politicisation of high-performance sport during the cold war affected the search for innovation in performance enhancement. We find that political pressure for improved competitiveness in West German sport had served to create a semi-autonomous high-performance sport sector in West Germany where blurred lines of accountability allowed questionable practices to prosper. While the public despised the use of questionable methods, sportive nationalism served to eclipse dubious practices. West German sport leaders adopted insofar a permissive attitude towards questionable practices as sporting misconduct was not sanctioned. Thus, our results strongly suggest that sport's politicisation during the cold war facilitated the search for performance-increasing methods in western societies.  相似文献   

20.
《Sport in History》2013,33(4):569-594
In ‘inventing’ and exporting modern sports to the world, the British influenced innumerable people. However, by the inter-war period, there was a general anxiety regarding British decline. The reasons were threefold. First, British health and fitness experts underlined the low physical standards of their people. Second, it became evident that Britain's leading position in international sport was under threat. Third, the fascist states seemed to be doing particularly well in this area. How could the British Empire last without strong men to defend it? Perhaps part of the solution might be found overseas in just the place where the present ‘danger’ came from. This paper studies this reversed influence and shows how German influence affected British fitness policies in the 1930s. In a period marked by appeasement, sports meetings, official visits and a large amount of cultural propaganda resulted in the sharing of British and German experiences. However, the attitude of the British was complex and their determination to go their own way limited the effectiveness of German influence. By the time the war broke out, the British had distanced themselves from German organization and values once again. The brief flirtation with fascist forms of physical culture was over.  相似文献   

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