弘扬爱国义主精神 深化太平天国研究

“太平天国与爱国主义国际学术研讨会”于5月下旬在广西蒙山县召开。 与会者认为,爱国主义是人类社会关系的产物,是永恒的主题。但在不同国家、不同历史时期,其内涵是不同的。中国在沦为半殖民地半封建社会以后,中国人民的爱国斗争呈现多元化和复杂化的特点。近代爱国主义的内容,既包括反帝反封建的一面,也包括向西方学习的一面。太平天国掀起反封建的斗争,为近代中国民主革命树立典范;太平天国站在反帝斗争的前列,捍卫了国家主权;太平天国积极向西方学习,为近代中国指明了资本主义道路。 有一种观点认为,中国的近代化始于洋务运动,其标志是曾国藩1861年在安庆设立的内军械所。但与会者认为,如果从机器生产作为中国近代化起始的标志,那么这个标志不是在安庆内军械所,而是1860年前后出现的太平天国的军火工业。太平天国的青浦、昆山、嘉定等均建有“洋炮馆”,除修理洋枪洋炮外,还制造冲天炮和各式子弹。太平天国定都天京后,将江南富庶地区的“子女玉帛重器”尽入上海,并在上海,主要是租界沉淀下来。大量的资金和廉价的劳动力促成了上海的近代化。这虽然不是太平天国的主观愿望,却是不争的事实。     

太平天国家庭婚姻制度初探

在婚姻问题上,太平天国一方面提倡男女平等,废除买卖婚姻,鼓励妇女进行再嫁等等;另一方面又实行多妻制,要求妇女奉行“三纲五常”的封建礼教,阻碍妇女社会地位的提高,这些却和太平天国本身革命理论相联系。太平天国的家庭婚姻制度有其进步的一面,也有其落后的一面。     

太平天国革命时期“反孔”和“尊孔”的斗争

近代中国历史上,“反孔”和“尊孔”经历了多次激烈的斗争。在这场斗争中,以洪秀全为首的太平天国农民革命英雄向“孔家店”发出了破晓的第一枪。气势磅礴的太平天国农民革命,在与清朝封建统治阶级和外国资本主义侵略者进行英勇顽强斗争的同时,也把革命矛头指向孔子,指向“孔孟之道”,从南到北到处烧毁孔庙,砸烂孔子牌位,焚禁“孔孟妖书”,以雷霆万钧之势对封建“圣道”进行猛烈的冲击。可以说,太平天国革命是从革孔子的命开始的。实行这第一个革命行动,是最早向西方寻找真理的先进人物、太平天国的伟大领袖洪秀全。     

如何看待革命和改良

在中国近代史的研究中,另一个值得注意的问题是,否定人民的反封建斗争,否定革命:对太平天国农民起义、辛亥革命、五四运动直至中国共产党领导的革命,全部给予否定。太平天国起义被说成是把历史“拉向后退”,是“破坏”。辛亥革命、五四运动、新民主主义革命等都是“激进主义思潮”的产物。有     

太平天国对外关系中的独立自立

伟大的太平天国革命是中国旧式农民战争的高峰。与以往的农民起义不同,它发生在鸦片战争以后的一、二十年中,处在外国资本主义不断侵略、力图把中国变为殖民地半殖民地的历史条件下。面对着资本主义的侵略,太平天国在对外关系中坚持独立自主的原则,维护太平天国革命政权和民族的尊严。太平天国的领导者是怎样提出和实施独立自主原则?他们对外国资本主义侵略缺乏本质的认识,为什么能采取与清政府根本不同的反对侵略的政策?本文试图就此作一探讨。     

美国的反华政策与新中国“一边倒”的外交政策

美国反华政策不断升级,是新中国决定实行“一边倒”对外政策的一个重要因素,“一边倒”的方针,其实质就是表明中国人民在国际斗争中坚持反对帝国主义的严正立场。它既不意味着中国政府不愿同美、英等资产阶级国家来往,也不意味着中国政府放弃独立自主,无原则地倒向苏联一边,“一边倒”作为一种结盟政策,在事实上对新中国从外交到经济都有一定的限制性,任何一项外交的政策的选择都不达到最佳的程度,而只能在两害相权取其轻的基础上,作出更合理的选择。“一边倒”外交政策正是如此。     

论太平天国外交

1853年太平军攻占南京之前,太平天国并无正式的对外交涉。但它的领袖洪秀全已有世界各国应平等相待,互不侵犯的构想。随着革命斗争的胜利发展,由于对世界大势的无知,传统的“天朝上国”思想、拜上帝教的“天王即世界之主”的说教迅速抬头,成了奠都南京后指导外交实践的重要思想。结果,虽然坚持了“独立自主”的可贵原则性,却不能在复杂的“折冲尊俎”斗争中因势利导,灵活地驾驭局势。1856年的“天京内讧”,国力大损,外交失去坚强的实力后盾,终被中外反动势力所镇压而失败。这个惨痛的教训,值得认真总结与记取。     

论太平天国妇女政策的两重性

关于太平天国妇女政策,一种意见认为,男女平等是太平天国革命政纲之一,在太平天国统治下妇女得到了较彻底的解放.另一种意见认为,太平天国并没有实行妇女解放的政策.我认为,太平天国的妇女政策是一个复杂的历史问题,它自身带有很大的两重性,不是用简单的“是”与“非”、“肯定”与“否定”就能够解决的,我们必须在“是”与“非”之间选出更多的点来评述它.     

湖北军政府对外政策探析

武昌起义后建立的湖北军政府是一个具有比较完全意义的资产阶级性质的政权。在施政纲领中,其对外政策比较集中地体现了中国近代资产阶级的特殊性格,从而决定了辛亥革命必然最终走向失败的命运。且在一定程度上,实践了孙中山对外思想的某些成分。同时,湖北军政府又最大限度地在对外政策中坚持了政权的革命立场,吸取了太平天国农民政权以及义     

从客家传统看太平天国妇女政策的矛盾性

本文从社会史、文化史方面探讨太平天国妇女政策的内在矛盾性。客家传统对太平天国的妇女政策有着深刻影响。太平天国妇女政策只是以一种传统“革新”另一种传统，它有文化革新意义，但没有达到解放妇女的高度。太平天国妇女政策的内在矛盾性正是客家传统妇女观内在矛盾的直接体现。     

大渡河前的太平军与中央红军的不同结局之原因探析

太平军石达开部和中央红军都曾受阻于天险大渡河畔,两支队伍处于相似的困境,但由于民族政策、军事战略方针、时代背景和革命性质的不同,最终的结局截然不同太平军石达开部在大渡河畔全军覆没,中央红军强渡大渡河成功.     

关注国家助学贷款政策实施中的问题——柳州视角

国家助学贷款是促进我国高等教育事业发展的金融手段和政策,为我国高等教育事业的发展做出了积极的贡献。但也由于受诸多因素的影响,我国国家助学贷款在制度的设计和政策的实践上仍存在不少缺陷,严重地影响了其实施的成效,从而需要作进一步的改革与完善。本文将以柳州市国家助学贷款业务开展情况为切入点,对国家助学贷款操作中存在的问题提出可行性建议。     

试论清王朝对维吾尔族伯克制度的改革

18世纪中叶,清朝政府统一新疆以后,实行了因俗而治的统治方针。其中,对维吾尔族旧有的伯克制度的改革是这一政策的主要内容,清政府通过对伯克制度的一系列改造,收到了对南疆少数民族地区直接统治的效果,也在一定程度上打破了南疆维吾尔族地区的封闭局面,在一定程度上促进了民族融合。     

试析国家助学贷款制度的实施困境

国家助学贷款是政府针对普通高校家庭经济困难学生,利用金融手段对其进行资助的一种制度安排。国家助学贷款前期制度设计存在缺陷,一度产生实施困境,其实质在于国家助学贷款制度目标与政策工具之间存在矛盾。消解助学贷款制度实施困境的基本经验包括：优化后续配套政策运行措施,鼓励政策性银行经办贷款业务,健全贷款风险共担机制。     

论国民幸福指数在我国政策评估中的运用

国民幸福指数是最近出现的一个有别于传统的新的政策评价指标体系，引进国民幸福指数，有利于完善我国的政策评估体系。在运用国民幸福指数评估公共政策的过程中，我们应借鉴不丹的做法，将包括政府善治、经济增长、文化发展和环境保护四个方面纳入指标体系中，同时还要避免国民幸福指数狂热，并注意国民幸福指数的可比性。     

National Plan for School Improvement and Students First: the predictable nature of school education policy and the problem of student achievement

This paper explores two Australian school education policy documents and the inputs they describe to boost student achievement. The paper suggests that current reform efforts in schooling like others previously configure student achievement in input–output terms confining school education policy to predictable inputs that sideline broader influences on educational output including, for instance, school funding. The national policy documents that are the subject of the case study in this paper are the National Plan for School Improvement and the current Students First. Student achievement is explored as an object of study that can be worked on by policy, including for across-the-board national ‘non-educational’ purposes. The analysis, critical in outlook, suggests that current school education policy trades on a predictable set of evidence-based inputs as correctives to declining levels of student achievement without weaving into the student learning equation the complex mix of relations that frame the educational system.     

论新时期党的民族政策的新发展

我国成功的民族政策基于民族平等原则和立足国情。在新时期,党和国家提升了民族问题和民族政策的定位,提升了加快少数民族和民族地区发展在民族政策和民族工作中的地位,创新和发展了具体政策和措施。     

Making different equal? Fractured state and ruptured policy: The National Qualifications Framework in South Africa

This paper explores the making of the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) in South Africa, and asks how a policy that was intended to unite education and training, and build new forms of equality, failed to become hegemonic as the new state established itself. In so doing, it engages, and argues for, theoretical tools that help keep ‘the state’ at the centre of policy analysis. The paper explores a rupture within the NQF between the fields of education and training by examining practices through which the policy developed between 1985 and 2007. Informed by involvement in these events, the author draws on data gathered from documents and interviews with over 70 participants engaged in making the NQF. Using a conceptual vocabulary derived from Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory the paper analyses the way social antagonisms were constructed and political frontiers drawn in changing political conditions [Laclau, E., Mouffe, C., 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. Verso, London]. The paper argues that the emergence, development and rupture in the NQF can be explained in relation to shifting hegemonic practices that sought to organise social relations throughout the transition and within the post-apartheid era. The policy is portrayed as a feature of the political transition, marking the articulation of elements within the fields of education and training by hegemonic formations concerned with securing a democratic economy within a global market. The analysis runs that there has been a failure to maintain hegemony and that a rupture has occurred along a fault line within the South African state between practices building a corporatist state and those constructing a developmental state. The paper argues that the fractures built into the South African NQF point to complex challenges that states ‘at the margins’ face when simultaneously articulating with differing, contradictory globalised practices, whilst also seeking to build equitable national education systems. Local concerns remain significant in struggles to re-make the state, and education and training policy.     

DOING JUSTICE TO GEOGRAPHY IN THE SECONDARY SCHOOL: DECONSTRUCTION, INVENTION AND THE NATIONAL CURRICULUM

ABSTRACT:  The subject of geography is declining in popularity at secondary school level and recent developments following the 'cultural turn' in Higher Education have had little impact in revitalising it. In this paper I explore the question: is there a problem with the school geography curriculum policy? After briefly sketching the history of the Geography National Curriculum policy (GNC), I focus on Caputo's (1997) commentary on Derrida and the idea of deconstruction and invention to explore the contemporary GNC policy text (1999) programme of study at Key Stage 3.     

A National Curriculum for Wales: A Case Study of Education Policy-Making in the Era of Administrative Devolution

The 1988 Education Reform Act legislated for a statutory curriculum in state-funded schools in England and Wales. This study explores how, out of a common curriculum framework for both countries, there emerged a school curriculum that was adapted to the distinctiveness of the linguistic and cultural context in Wales. The roles of those most closely involved in policy development in Wales are examined as is the relationship between the 'national' and 'territorial' arenas of policy-making in the months leading up to publication of the Education Reform Bill in November 1987. It is argued that a pragmatic approach to policy development in Wales during that period laid the foundations both for a reworking of the 1988 curriculum framework during the 1990s and for potentially more radical change following the 2002 Education Act.