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1.
Critical approaches to study Bangladesh's political development have been widespread, especially in the fields of political science and international relations. What is missing from the existing critical account is an examination of the language that Bangladesh's political leaders use as symbolic means. This paper will critically analyze a rhetorical event, Address to the Nation by Begum Khaleda Zia, former Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, at the Fourth Anniversary of the former Alliance Government at Dhaka, Bangladesh on October 10, 2005 Zia , B. K. ( 2005, October, 10 ). [Address to the Nation]. Speech presented at the Fourth Anniversary of the Alliance Government. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. Retrieved January 6, 2006, from http://www.mofa.gov.bd/st_prime_minister.htm  [Google Scholar]. The purpose is to investigate the responses of the then Bangladesh government to growing Islamic militancy in the country. Kenneth Burke's concept of identification will be used to this end.  相似文献   

2.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。  相似文献   

3.
Drawing on a national survey of 1,157 South Korean adults, the present study finds that social media use for political news is positively associated with knowledge about political issues, but not with knowledge about political processes. Professional media use for political news is significantly associated with both political issue knowledge and political process knowledge. The impact of social media for news on political issue knowledge increases with the additive role of professional media news use. This study also finds that political talk strengthens the positive association between social media use for news and political issue knowledge.  相似文献   

4.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media.  相似文献   

5.
Reports about political scandals have increased lately. Yet the general impact of news visuals and the specific role of lightness and darkness cues in images of scandalized politicians remain unclear. With the help of an experiment, the present pilot study examined the influence of candidate images and the effects of particular image backgrounds (light versus dark). While the foreground of the image depicting a politician involved in a scandal remained unchanged, the background was systematically altered. The results revealed that a light background had a positive effect on recipients’ attitudes toward the politician. In contrast, participants exposed to a dark image background demanded a more severe punishment for the politician.  相似文献   

6.
试论伊朗“Twitter革命”中社会媒体的政治传播功能   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
本文试图通过伊朗Twitter革命的个案研究,来观察和分析社会媒体在国家危机中发挥的政治传播功能与效用,特别是在发达国家具有先发技术优势的背景下,社会媒体与国际政治力量结合对发展中国家可能产生的消极影响。  相似文献   

7.
This study examined the combined effect of character and policy coverage about a political candidate in news media on voters’ evaluations and thoughts about the candidate. A 2 (issue coverage: present/absent) × 2 (image coverage: present/absent) between-subject factorial experiment was conducted whereby participants (N = 134) read a version of an editorial article that varied in the coverage of a candidate’s character and policy positions. Results indicated that issue and image coverage, each in isolation, enhanced perceptions of the candidate’s image strength and issue strength. However, issue and image coverage when presented in combination compared to in isolation did not enhance perceptions of the candidate and in some cases hindered perceptions of candidate strength. When both coverage types were present, issue coverage dominated image coverage when participants formed image evaluations, whereas image coverage dominated issue coverage when they formed issue evaluations. Similar findings resulted for issue- and image-relevant thoughts. Implications about the effects of multicoverage political messages are discussed.  相似文献   

8.
More recently, many scholars have lamented the decline of social capital, civic and political participation in American society. This study attempts to clarify the concept of social capital and its major components. We differentiate two dimensions of social capital: trust and social connectedness. In addition, we investigate the differential effects of a full range of media use on civic and political participation.

Analysis of data from a telephone survey in Clarksville, Tennessee in 2002 showed that people's social connectedness enhances both civic and political participation. Time spent in reading newspaper and watching public affairs on television was positively correlated with political participation whereas frequency of Internet use and entertainment TV viewing was not. The results also showed no correlation between media use and civic participation. Implications of the findings for future research on democratic citizenship were discussed.  相似文献   

9.
传播政治经济学诞生于20世纪40年代末,对上个世纪初以来的媒体改革运动的关注和主张是传播政治经济学社会实践性的表征,表明传播政治经济学非一般性的学术自足性研究。面对新的实践背景,需要对传播政治经济学的社会实践性做出评价。  相似文献   

10.
在政治文化的规约下,媒介伦理规范的功利化、媒介伦理评价的政治化、媒介伦理内涵的人品化,成为清末政论报人媒介伦理观的基本特征。其问题,如媒介伦理本体价值的缺乏、媒介伦理建设上社会性资源的缺失,均可从政治文化层面得到独到的解释。  相似文献   

11.
"新媒体使用"经常作为与"传统媒体使用"相对立的概念获得学界的关注。然而,随着技术的快速发展,媒体家族的迅速壮大,"新媒体使用"在量化研究中的内涵外延也日渐模糊。对此,本文提出了一个元测试(meta-instrument)问题--在用户使用行为和媒介效果两方面,新媒体和传统媒体是否清晰可分?基于对二手数据的分析,本文发现不同的网络信息渠道/平台在使用频率上呈现异质性,在媒介效果上也难以作为同质化的"新媒体"或"网络媒体"一概而论。同时,门户网站在用户使用频率和使用效果上,更接近于传统媒体(如中央电视台、新华社和人民日报),而非社交媒体(如微博、微信等)。本文的研究发现为新媒体使用及其效果研究提供了新的思路,为新媒体理论的发展提供了新的经验资料。  相似文献   

12.
Thai women who want to participate in politics find that one of the obstacles they face is the representation created by mass media, especially vernacular newspapers. The objective of this study is to demonstrate the conflict in the representation of a woman politician in Thailand. The study focuses on news reports relating to Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan, currently the Minister of Agriculture and Agriculture Cooperatives of Thailand. The news reports from the two largest-circulated local newspapers in Thailand were analyzed to highlight the representation created for Sudarat, and her response strategy. The analysis showed the representational dilemma Sudarat faced to which she creatively responded yet found herself on the losing side.  相似文献   

13.
传播政治经济学与另类媒介——以韩国与委内瑞拉为例   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
另类媒介的兴起、运作条件与脉络,以及其成就与局限的评估,具有重要的理论与实践意义,传播政治经济学重视人的动能、强调历史变迁与学术介入,本文因此引述与讨论韩国及委内瑞拉的另类传播现象,舍弃互联网而专注于研讨传统媒介的另类空间。  相似文献   

14.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):339-358
This study tests how repeated exposure to the same news frame influences political opinions over time. In a survey experiment (N = 296), we repeatedly exposed participants to the same news frame (at the start of the study, after one day, one week, and two weeks) and measured effects on opinions (at the start, after two weeks, and after six weeks). Participants in a control group were exposed only once and the effect was also traced over time. Results show that repetitive framing leads both to stronger and more persistent effects than single exposure. The persistence effects are most evident for individuals with moderate political knowledge. Our study contributes to a more comprehensive model of framing effects in mass communication experiments.  相似文献   

15.
A sizable body of research has examined BIRG, or Basking in Reflected Glory, as the psychological process of associating with the successes of others. A sample of 253,188 tweets related to the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum were collected leading up to and following the vote. Results support BIRG processes on the part of anti-independence tweeters, and Cutting Off Reflected Failure (CORF) responses by those favoring independence. Evidence does not support the notion that CORF was attenuated by high involvement.  相似文献   

16.
People with more political knowledge tend to have more coherent ideologies (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996; Judd & Krosnick, 1989; Stimson, 1975; Zaller, 1992). Drawing on prominent theories of attitude structure (e.g., Dinauer & Fink, 2005; Hunter, Levine & Sayers, 1976), we propose an explanation for this relationship, testing whether people who spend time thinking about how political concepts relate to one another are more likely to exhibit ideologically coherent attitudes (Judd & Krosnick, 1989). We find that participants who are instructed to participate in an exercise that requires them to think about how political concepts are related exhibit greater correlations between social- and economic-policy attitudes than nonparticipants and find some evidence that participants’ policy attitudes are more consistent over time. Contrary to expectations, there was no evidence of greater consistency between policy attitudes and underlying values, including party identification.  相似文献   

17.
The work of the modern police apparatus is highly dependent upon media technologies. This article traces crucial developments in this history, analyzing the central role that media have played in policing practices since the advent of the modern patrol in the late eighteenth century. We trace how the governmentalized police force has used media to govern efficiently what Foucault calls the three great variables: territory, speed, and communication. In conclusion, we consider the possibilities for resistance in a time when digital police media have given rise to alarming strategies for surveilling populations, stifling dissent, and exerting control over public and private space.  相似文献   

18.
It is now widely acknowledged that the Bush administration used faulty and false information to justify the 2003 war on Iraq, and that the mainstream media, by not adequately investigating the case for war, assisted with the project. In this paper, I outline the particular strategies employed by the media–military industrial complex to ensure a dominance of pro-war arguments in the public sphere. I conclude by arguing that the failure of the media in the US to meet the democratic needs of this society places enormous responsibility on intellectuals to produce scholarship critical of the new imperialism.  相似文献   

19.
Recent work in the area of communication and individual differences has produced measures of two traits which promise to be important to the process of selecting compliance gaining messages. In the study reported in this paper the effects of these two traits, argumentativeness and verbal aggressiveness, on compliance gaining message chokes were assessed, while controlling for the effects of two known predictors, negativism and dogmatism. The data indicate that the impact of these variables is situationally dependent. This finding is discussed in terms of recent hypotheses concerning the impact of trait by individual difference interactions on human communication behavior.  相似文献   

20.
This rhetorical study of Japanese government apologies made in 1990 to the President of South Korea considers national apology as part of a process, rather than as standalone and rhetor-driven text. These apologies demonstrate the interactional and intersubjective nature of national discourse, revealing perhaps surprisingly the role of the recipient and audience in the construction— indeed “co-construction”—of the apology. The role of the media is particularly important in this process.  相似文献   

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