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1.
我们为什么需要教育民主   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
本文从三个方面分析了民主与教育的关系,论述了教育民主的内涵以及价值。提出民主作为生活方式的意义在于促进人类生活关系的和谐和人格的优秀发展,是社会形成和谐的共同体和个人积极参与共同体的方式。民主对扩大社会和个人的福祉都是有价值的。从民主的智力条件和心理条件来看,教育是民主的重要条件,这是因为教育培养公民的理性、德性、个性以及民主所需要的态度和行为方式。教育的民主化是教育实现其价值的重要方式之一。教育民主涉及教育价值的实践方式,也涉及培养什么人的问题,教育民主是教育健康、有序、和谐的生活方式。教育民主意味着要为儿童提供更多的社会支持,通过提供选择的自由、理智的开放和实际的参与机会来形成学生的公共道德、理性精神、社会态度和社会责任感,形成社会实践技能。  相似文献   

2.
在民主化比较研究中,民主政体的实际效应一直是理论家所关心的问题.这些问题主要是指民主政体到底对收入水平和政府质量产生怎样的影响?经验研究表明,当我们在考察民主政体的实际效应时,事实上这些被看作是效应的因素同样也会反作用于民主制度的运行.因此,本文侧重于考察民主政体、收入水平以及政府质量之间的相互关系,并分析这种关系背后所蕴含的因果逻辑机制.通过研究,我们发现三者之间的关系是非常复杂的,但是总体上倾向于一种正相关的关系.  相似文献   

3.
This article discusses the ideal and practice of collaboration in a collaborative action research project in which university researchers work together with staff from the field of primary education. A qualitative case study was conducted using the theory of boundary crossing to make sense of the ways collaboration took place within the project team. The main theme, also a major dilemma in the project, referred to the transition from a democratic towards a more directive approach within the project design after the first year. The members of the project team took shifting and ambivalent positions within the project as they were trying to cross boundaries between the different goals of the project. Also, boundary objects on different levels contributed to the collaboration. We conclude that clear boundaries between groups or a strong shared identity, as proposed by an insider–outsider model of action research and the notion of first-order democracy, are not helpful in complex collaborative action research projects. Instead, we need the development of second-order democracy means in order to cross boundaries and sustain a critical dialogue about differences.  相似文献   

4.
民主推荐是干部选用的必要程序。民主推荐得票率结果是确定考察对象的重要依据之一。为使民主推荐既调动干部积极性,又体现广泛民主,需科学界定民主推荐得票率指标。基于某高校多年干部选用相关数据,运用聚类分析方法,提出不同竞争强度下选拔不同类别干部的民主推荐得票率参考指标,用于指导实际应用,有利于提高高校干部选用的科学性。  相似文献   

5.
This paper analyses pre-service education student perceptions and perspectives related to education for democracy in Australia. Using a critical pedagogical framework datum from an online survey, it presents both quantitative and qualitative responses of contrasting understandings of democracy. It begins by outlining the concepts of thick and thin democracy and why this is important in relation to contemporary debates about the state of civics and citizenship education, and then explains the conceptual framework of critical pedagogy and methodology. The datum analysed is discussed in relation to neoliberalism and indicates that the pre-service teachers in this study view democracy in a narrow or thin way that may impact on their classroom practice where they would be teaching about but not for democracy. A more critical and thicker understanding of democracy is suggested as essential if we desire our students to become active and transformative citizens.  相似文献   

6.
This report documents and compares two cases of pre-service elementary teachers’ beliefs about democracy and education for democracy in the USA and Bosnia and Herzegovina along with contextual factors influencing the similarities and differences among these beliefs. Findings suggest that US pre-service elementary teachers have a self-proclaimed lack of knowledge about democracy and primarily view citizenship education as a means to teach children how to get along. Conversely, Bosnian pre-service teachers hold more nuanced views of democracy and education for democracy, formed while their country transitioned from socialism towards democracy following a devastating civil war. Consequently, they focus on teaching children the skills and dispositions necessary for successful democratic citizenship to preserve their country. These divergent understandings of democracy within the two cases may hold potential benefits to teachers in both emergent and established democracies. Implications of these and other findings are discussed, as well as potential future research.  相似文献   

7.
8.
政治明的提出,使我们对于中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的规律性认识达到一个新的高度,有利于我们从整体上推进社会主义民主建设;有利于我们大胆学习借鉴人类社会政治明的有益成果,赋予民主政治建设以不断发展演进的内涵;有利于我们把握民主政治建设的重点,促进我国民主政治建设走向制度化、规范化和程序化。  相似文献   

9.
托克维尔认为民主是现代人的一种基本生活方式,然而现代民主存在着“盲目的本能”,若现代民主失去自由的保障,就极易走向多数人的暴政,从而失去对个体的关怀,在社会秩序与个体精神的自由两种层面上造成扭曲。而克服现代民主的盲目本能,就必须寻求一种新的制度形式,以自由来规范民主本身,从而实现对于民主的超越。  相似文献   

10.
Editorial     
This paper explores the issue of democracy and the role of the democratic classroom in the development of society in general, and the way in which educators understand and deal with diversity in particular. The first part of the paper explores different meanings of democracy and how they can be manifested in the classroom. We argue that the idea of a ‘democratic classroom’ is far too broad a category; democracy is defined in action and can have realist or pragmatic characteristics, elitist or pluralist roots. The realist form of social education was championed by political scientist Charles Merriam, while a social educative process more dependent on pragmatic problem solving was pursued by educational philosopher John Dewey and those who followed in his theoretical wake. The history of democracy in the United States, and the battles of how to import different meanings of democracy into the classroom over the course of the 20th century is explored, suggesting that the educational establishment has a tendency to adopt more realist/elitist forms of civic education. We present five ‘democratic’ classrooms with different characteristics to illustrate the different characteristics social education can exhibit. In the second part of the paper we discuss the relationship between different types of democratic classrooms and issues of race/ethnicity/culture.  相似文献   

11.
This article is concerned with recent attempts to balance the claims for political citizenship in a liberal democracy (liberalism) with competing claims for cultural identity within traditional non‐liberal communities (communitarianism). Claims of the first kind are usually seen as universal in that they are based on what it is to be human, while claims of the second kind are seen as particular in so far as they relate to membership of a specific culture. Singh (1997) argues for discussion method as a means of reconciling the claims of democratic citizenship with those of cultural attachment in non‐liberal communities. In an earlier and related paper, Singh (1995) also seeks an accommodation between shared and particular values in a multicultural society. Halstead (1997) is concerned about the dilemmas faced by liberal educators and by Muslims with regard to the sex education curriculum and Muslim pupils. In an earlier paper, Halstead (1995) makes proposals for a curriculum which combines a communitarian commitment to the cultural integrity of non‐liberal communities with active participation in the life of a liberal democracy. I will argue that whether we begin from a liberal commitment to individual autonomy (Singh) or from a concern for the cultural integrity and survival of non‐liberal communities (Halstead), there are very real difficulties in achieving a reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives.  相似文献   

12.
本以民主手段与目标的关系为基点,从毛泽东,邓小平民主思想所产生的社会历史条件出发,以唯物辩证法为理论基础,从民主手段,民主目标,民主手段与目标统一三方面进行了比较,分析了两位伟人民主手段与目标思想的异同,总结了他们搜索民主实现形式的经验教训。  相似文献   

13.
以进化算法为优化手段 ,疲劳累积失效概率增量为约束条件 ,检验费用为目标函数 ,检验时间间隔及检验方式为优化变量 ,根据船体构件本身的疲劳特性进行疲劳破损检验优化研究 ,选出检验费用最少的最优检验方案 ,给出了计算实例和检验方案的比较 .结果表明 ,本文提出的方法能选出兼顾安全性和经济性的最优检验方案  相似文献   

14.
陈敬国 《政治思想史》2021,(1):133-155,200
韦伯毕生所关心的问题是理性化/官僚制与自由的关系,他试图在现代社会理性化不断推进的过程中去寻求捍卫人类自由和尊严的政治方案。以往的研究一般集中在对韦伯“领袖民主制”的探讨上,并认为领袖民主制的宪政框架无法清除极权主义要素,因而也就无法实质地去应对理性化问题。这些研究忽视了韦伯为消除德国官僚制危机而提出的另一种可能——议会民主制。韦伯设想的议会民主制体现了其试图用卡里斯玛来疗救官僚制,同时又希望用议会民主来约束卡里斯玛的良苦用心,理论层面上是比领袖民主制在应对德国官僚制所带来的自由危机方面更为合宜的选择。  相似文献   

15.
政治发展的核心要素之一是民主,民主是现代国家所追求的目标。在民主化道路过程中,各个国家建构了不同的民主模式,这就意味着中国的民主化会带有自身特点。其中,纵向民主提供了一种探析中国民主发展的新视角,它以社会和谐与秩序为价值理念,以信任为连接纽带,以自上而下的政治领导和自下而上的公民参与为结构特征。通过对纵向民主理论的阐释,试图说明中国民主政治发展道路的特点与不足。  相似文献   

16.
17.
由党内民主促进全民民主,是让党内民主建设走在全民民主建设的前面,以较高层次的党内民主拉动全民民主向较高层次发展,即中国民主建设的完善必须分两步走,第一步是完善党内民主,第二步是完善全民民主。中国的特殊情况决定,由完善党内民主到完善全民民主不仅需要一个过渡点,而且这个过渡点只能是完善中国共产党领导下的多党合作制。其理由是:一、发展中国式民主必须继续坚持多党合作制;二、渐进式的民主建设必须首先在精英层中展开;三、实行政党平等是民主建设的首要一环;四、党内民主的发展必然会带来多党合作的一些具体方式的改变。  相似文献   

18.
This paper identifies the aims and contents directly linked to the teaching and learning of the concept of democracy at the junior secondary school level in Botswana. It examines the perceived extent to which the objectives of teaching the concept of democracy has been achieved by 72 social studies teachers, in addition to finding out the perceived challenges they face and their suggested solutions while teaching topics related to democracy. It was found that the majority of the social studies teachers believe that the level of the achievement of the teaching of the aims is either average or above average. The problems of defining the concept of democracy and the handling of mixed ability students were identified as major challenges to the teaching of the concept of democracy in social studies. The study found a moderate but positive correlation between the self-assessment of 36 purposively selected subjects from the 72 social studies teachers and the observed attributes on some traits on democracy while teaching a topic on democracy. A correlated t -test further indicates a significant difference between the ratings of the teachers and those of the investigator. It was concluded that a gap exists between theory (what teachers perceive as practicing) and practice (what they actually do in the classrooms).  相似文献   

19.
Postmodernism precludes philosophical justifications for democracy. This undermines the role of philosophy of education and leaves us with weaker reasons for educational democracy than we need. If the 'postmodern challenge' is as Wilfred Carr conceives it, Jürgen Habermas meets that challenge. His work rests on neither Enlightenment essentialism nor foundationalism. Habermas can accept and explain that consciousness is historically and socially situated in discourse, yet still argue to the possibility of emancipation. I defend his conception of rationality from charges of essentialism. Rational thinking can critique its own specific forms, so superior forms of rationality remain universalisable by rational means. A historicising account of such critique avoids situationist relativism. These considerations justify educational democracy and preserve a role for philosophy of education.  相似文献   

20.
Throughout Europe, school inspection has become a visible means of governing education. This education and inspection policy is mediated, brokered, interpreted, and learned through networked activities where the global/European meet the national/local, giving national and local “uptake” a variety of characteristics. We explore the local features of this “uptake” as processes of learning in the interaction between schools and inspectors in Sweden. Drawing theoretically on Jacobsson’s notion of governing as increasingly done through meditative activities and on Leontiev’s activity theory, we suggest that school actors learn compliance through diverse emotions provoked by inspection processes in different local settings. Based on observations of inspections, interviews with teachers, head teachers and inspectors, documents, reports, and decisions, we portray how governing education is done through inspection processes in two Swedish schools. The case narratives underscore the importance of local context in these governing and learning processes.  相似文献   

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