谈我国公共政策过程中的政治沟通

公共政策过程中有效的政治沟通对公共政策的制定、执行、评佑都具有十分重要的意义。但我国政治沟通中存在着诸如沟通渠道太少、沟通渠道单向化、政府扩散信息意识不强、内部沟通机制不健全等诸多问题,它对公共政策过程有着不利的影响。因此必须通过完善沟通渠道、加强双向沟通、加强政府信息公开建设的步伐来解决。     

传播学的交流与思想政治教育的沟通

传播学中的＂交流＂和思想政治教育中的＂沟通＂概念的相似性,及传播学中的＂交流＂和思想政治教育中的＂沟通＂的构成要素及活动过程相似性,可知思想政治教育沟通活动是一种特殊的信息传播交流活动,在某种意义上传播学中的＂交流＂与思想政治教育中的＂沟通＂具有等值意义。     

论现代政府管理中的公共政策

公共政策是政府的“产品”,强制性是其根本特征。公共政策的特点在于它直接规定和影响人们之间的利益格局而稳定性、连续性相对较差。它的内在结构包括目标、划分和处置三个基本要素。它具有信息沟通功能,政府与公民的双向沟通既是公民了解政府的途径,又降低了政府执行公共政策的成本。     

政治学话语中的公共政策价值

公共政策是政府为解决公共问题对政府目标、手段的选择及其相互转换的过程,即利益调整的政治和技术过程。价值是主客体关系中表现出来的客体之于主体的意义和效用。政治学话语中我们把公共政策价值分析为两个层次：第一层次,政府—公共政策,其中主体是政府,客体是公共政策。政策之于政府的意义和效用在于它的实施推行过程中使政府得到满意的利益分配;第二层次,公共政策—群众,其中主体是公共政策,客体是群众。群众之于政策的意义和效用在于,群众中社会公共问题在公共政策的指引和推行中得以解决。就公共政策的价值而言,赋予公共政策利益优先的价值取向,在利益优先的前提下,选择、分配、综合和落实利益,最终达到平衡利益,解决公众问题。以利益为基础的公共政策价值分析无疑揭示了公共政策的本质,也为公共政策价值判断建立了一个客观参照系,为政府行为的良性循环引领方向。     

美国联邦制的嬗变

联邦制是现代国家结构主要形式之一,因为大国往往国内利益分化问题更严重,所以大国采用联邦制的比率更高,政治效果也更明显。美利坚联邦既是联邦制的典型,也具有鲜明的美国特色。美国的联邦制经历了由＂二元联邦主义＂、＂合作联邦主义＂到＂新联邦主义＂的发展历程,每个时期都表现出不同的特征。     

“澳大利亚政府优质教师计划”解读——基于教师专业素质提升的视角

“澳大利亚政府优质教师计划”(AGQTP)为澳联邦政府制定、推行的一项“旗舰型”教师专业发展政策,计划的首要目标在于提升教师的专业素质.立足于教师专业素质提升的视角,可以考察得出结论:计划的实施较好地实现了预设目标；进一步探究其原因可发现,计划在统领实践的框架、活动实施模式、活动开展渠道及价值取向等四方面颇具特色.     

基层政府公共政策执行失真的成因及对策

主观上政策执行主体追求自身利益最大化所致,客观上政策执行主体素质缺陷导致基层政府公共政策执行失真。加强监督、建立畅通的信息沟通渠道和提高基层政策执行主体的素质是改善基层政府公共政策执行的关键。     

市场袒护型财政联邦主义:财政分权下的地方政府行为解释

分税制开启了中国新一轮的财政分权改革,但地方政府却没能形成公共服务的最优层级供给机制、对自身的制度性限制和对市场的规范化。已有的传统财政分权理论、公共选择财政分权理论和市场保护型财政联邦主义等理论都难以解释分权改革后的地方政府行为。通过对文献的梳理,文章认为分权后地方政府行为是一种＂市场袒护型财政联邦主义＂,并进而认为地方政府承担的制度压力、政治压力及其自身的政治动力是形成其＂袒护＂市场的原因。     

政府公共危机管理与媒体沟通

建立政府与媒体之间的良性互动关系是应对危机事件的前提条件之一。媒体在危机沟通中作为社会＂第四权力＂的作用是政府危机管理过程中不可或缺的力量。政府和媒体在公共危机管理沟通中要保证危机沟通五大要素,即信息源、信息、传输渠道、受众以及反馈,并进一步完善政府与媒体危机沟通机制的路径选择。     

公共政策执行偏差及其矫正

公共政策执行在公共政策活动中处于关键环节,对于公共政策能否达到预期目标具有至关重要的作用。本文分析了公共政策执行偏差产生的原因并提出相应的措施：加大公共政策宣传力度,确保对公共政策实质的认识;提高公共政策执行认知程度,确保公共政策＂利益超脱＂;提高公共政策执行人员的素质,强化公共政策的预测性;提升公共政策的质量,确保公共政策执行有序推进;提供有效的制度设计,建立有序的公众参与机制。     

The Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse

The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse is the largest royal commission in Australia’s history and one of the largest public inquiries into institutional child abuse internationally. With an investment from the Australian government of half a billion dollars, it examined how institutions with a responsibility for children, both historically and in the present, have responded to allegations of child sexual abuse. Announced in the wake of previous Australian and international inquiries, public scandals and lobbying by survivor groups, its establishment reflected increasing recognition of the often lifelong and intergenerational damage caused by childhood sexual abuse and a strong political commitment to improving child safety and wellbeing in Australia. This article outlines the background, key features and innovations of this landmark public inquiry, focusing in particular on its extensive research program. It considers its international significance and also serves as an introduction to this special edition on the Australian Royal Commission, exploring its implications for better understanding institutional child sexual abuse and its impacts, and for making institutions safer places for children in the future.     

中国官员治理的困境及其应对

中国官员治理的困境可以归纳为:一方面,官员群体行为正在失控;一方面,政府主导下的现代化进程必须依赖官员群体的推进。导致官员治理困境的原因在于集体行动逻辑导致的政府缺乏自律意愿和能力,而社会监督能力不足。因此,官员治理困境的应对之道在于通过增强社会公众的知情权和表达权,建立以表达权为基础制度化的利益协商和利益均衡机制,充分发挥公众行使知情权和表达权的主要载体和重要保障——舆论监督的作用。     

'Fellow travellers' and 'true believers': A case study of religion and politics in Alberta schools

The topic of religion within public schools has generated interest in several countries in recent years. In Canada, the United States, and England, educational policies favouring greater parental choice in education through grantmaintained schools, Charter schools and voucher plans have renewed parental interest in this area. Alternatively, one might argue that the lobbying by religious parents and others for choice has influenced educational policy. The dynamics of change are not always clear. This paper explores these dynamics through a two-part longitudinal case study in Alberta, Canada. My examination of events over a period of almost twenty years reveals both the micro-politics around religious programming in public schools and the macro-level changes in the policy context between the late 1970s and mid-1990s. This micro-macro approach provides a sense of the impact of local histories on education policies as well as parallels between sites.     

Securitisation and/or Westernisation: dominant discourses of Australian values and the implications for teacher education

Debates concerning the nature, purpose and importance of Australian values have resurfaced in Australia following the election of the Liberal-led Coalition Government in September 2013. Two dominant discourses on Australian values have emerged within recent government rhetoric and public policy, both of which have included a demand for changes to how Australian values are taught and encountered within Australian education and schooling. In our analysis, we suggest that the two dominant discourses, one focusing on securitisation and one on Westernisation, have to this point operated separately, but have both focused on narrow, fixed and forced understandings of Australian values. Exploring the key themes of these two discourses, some important issues for teacher educators are set out, including the need to mediate these discourses against research evidence which suggests the importance of holistic and co-operative pedagogical relationships based on trust and humility for effective values education. Though our analysis focuses on the Australian context, the arguments made are likely to be of interest elsewhere given current debates about national values in education across a range of jurisdictions.     

求生与保皇——试论维新派流亡者的外交活动

1898年9月,戊戌变法失败后,康有为和梁启超等人被迫出走海外,以维新派流亡者的政治角色继续活动。在引渡维新派流亡者的问题上,清政府和英、日等国政府发生外交纠纷。维新派流亡者在英日朝野展开游说活动,争取英国和日本对保皇活动的支持。维新派流亡者的涉外活动加剧了清政府与英日两国的矛盾,在客观上进一步孤立了清政府,促成了清政府外交政策的失序。可以说,维新派流亡者对清政府的外交孤立活动与清政府在义和团战争中的外交严重失序有着不可分离的因果链条。     

School teacher parents and the retreat from public secondary schooling: A view from the Australian Census, 1976–2001

This article uses data from the Australian Censuses of 1976 and 2001 to measure the extent to which the children of school teachers participated in the middle class shift from public to non-government secondary schooling of the closing decades of the last century. It builds on recent work by Craig Campbell and Geoffrey Sherington on the history of the New South Wales Public comprehensive high school, as well as recent analyses of the relationships between the middle classes and public institutions by sociologists such as Michael Pusey (for Australia) and Stephen Ball (for the United Kingdom). School teachers are of particular interest for a number of reasons including their historically uneasy status relative to other professional occupations and their complex roles as both providers and consumers of school education. The article finds that while school teachers collectively moved their children out of government high schools in common with other middle class parents over the period, there were differences within the category according to parent’s gender and sector of employment.     

公务员"经济人"角色及自利行为调控分析

作为实施国家行政管理活动的国家公务员是政治市场上活动范围最广、管理事务最繁杂的主体,在提供公共物品的供给时同一个具有动机和目标的经济主体一样具有某些经济人的属性,会受利己心的驱动利用手中掌握的公共资源诸如职位、权力、信息、公共服务等来实现自身利益的最大化,其行为存在不同程度的自利性。只有对国家公务员的自利行为进行有效调控才能增强政府的行政能力、提高行政效率。     

基于利益和谐的地方行政改革思考

利益是人类社会前进的动力,同时也是一把双刃剑。当前,面对我国的社会现状,促进利益和谐是政府面对的重要任务之一。然而,政府的自利性也是影响利益和谐的因素之一。要实现利益和谐,地方政府在下一步的行政改革中必须注意克服政府在制度变迁、协调利益关系、提供公共服务等职能中的过度自利倾向。     

The appeal of the International Baccalaureate in Australia's educational market: a curriculum of choice for mobile futures

In Australia there is growing interest in a national curriculum to replace the variety of matriculation credentials managed by State Education departments, ostensibly to address increasing population mobility. Meanwhile, the International Baccalaureate (IB) is attracting increasing interest and enrolments in State and private schools in Australia, and has been considered as one possible model for a proposed Australian Certificate of Education. This paper will review the construction of this curriculum in Australian public discourse as an alternative frame for producing citizens, and ask why this design appeals now, to whom, and how the phenomenon of its growing appeal might inform national curricular debates. The IB's emergence is understood with reference to the larger context of neo-liberal marketisation policies, neo-conservative claims on the curriculum and middle-class strategy. The paper draws on public domain documents from the International Baccalaureate Organisation and newspaper reportage to demonstrate how the IB is constructed for public consumption in Australia.