正义秩序之追寻——兼论罗尔斯的公民资格观

在西方政治思想史上,一直存在自由主义和共和主义两种不同的公民资格传统,前者视个体自由为最高政治价值,后者视美德为最高公民典范.罗尔斯一方面对自由主义仅仅强调个体权利的倾向作出修正,增加了公民资格理论对实质平等的关心,用以解决社会正义问题,一方面提出一种公共理性的公民资格观,用以解决多元和统合的政治正义问题,从而在其正义理论的框架中彰显其独特的民主公民资格观,对自由主义和共和主义两种不同的公民资格传统进行了一种调和,目的在于:在个人自由和市场社会基础上重建公共自由和集体认同,以维持和保障正义之秩序.     

美国公民资格的理论范式及其在公民教育中的实践

公民资格是理解公民教育的起点和基础。美国公民资格理论范式主要体现为自由主义、共和主义、批判主义和跨国主义公民资格。自由主义和共和主义公民资格作为影响美国公民教育的主导话语,对公民教育实践产生了重要影响。批判主义和跨国主义公民资格以其特有的理论活力对公民教育提出了挑战。美国公民资格理论话语的丰富和发展为公民教育实践提供了参照和启示。     

公民治理视角下的我国公共行政困惑与发展对策

公民治理理论的兴起是对新公共管理理论缺陷的弥补,开辟了公共行政改革的新路径。改革开放以来我国开展的市场经济与民主政治建设,提升了公民意识、培育了公民资格、拓展了公民参与,是对集中控制的专业主义行政模式弊端的部分消解。用公民治理理论审视我国的公共行政发展,克服效率悖论、信任缺失、公民参与形式化等公共行政困境,必须建构公民参与法律制度、完善公民与政府合作机制、培育积极而主动的公民参与意识、健全公民资格和参与路径,建立以公民为中心的政府形态和社会治理结构。     

公共理性的公民资格与多元社会的正义秩序

罗尔斯以其敏锐的目光洞察到现代社会由于个人自由和公共自由、个人权利和公共利益之间的冲突及失衡所造成的种种政治合法性危机,通过其前期无知之幕之后所隐含的公民设计以及后期明确表达的公共理性的公民资格观念,表达了以公共的正义规范制衡私利,调节自由市场的自发后果,抑制市民社会个人私利泛滥、促进积极自由和公共利益,在个人和国家、个人和社会之间保持一种适度平衡,从而保持多元社会正义秩序的理论旨趣,体现了西方公民资格理论的自由主义传统和公民共和主义传统交叉互渗的当代发展趋势。     

女性公民资格的历史演变

公民资格作为一种政治理论．有着同人类定居的共同体同样悠久的历史,然而在很长一段时期,妇女都没有被列入公民行列,更没被赋予过公民的资格。男女性别差异或直接或潜在地成为妇女被排除在公民资格之外的理由。但妇女追求公民资格的努力从没停止过。论述女性公民资格发展的漫长历史,以此为鉴巩固：和提升我国女性在公民资格中的地位。     

政治学意义上的公民教育:基本审视与哲学基础

在政治学意义上,公民教育不仅仅局限于教育内容本身,而应该体现为国家分配核心价值、塑造现代公民的政治社会化过程。自公民教育产生,最初形成了自由主义、社群主义和共和主义三种公民教育观。由于这三种公民教育观存在内在缺陷以及时代的推动,其后又形成了多元主义和全球主义的公民教育观。无论何种公民教育观,都有其特定的理论背景和演进逻辑。因此,需要对其政治学意义进行批判和审视。     

资本主义福利制度模式:以公民资格为视角的比较分析

作为国家在社会保障和社会安全方面承担主要责任的制度设计,各国的福利制度既有其共性的一面,又存在着基本价值与理念的差异。这种差异的存在取决于各国的公民资格类型不同。本文以公民资格为视角,构建了社会生活各领域关系———公民资格类型———福利制度模式的理论分析框架,并在此框架下比较分析了资本主义国家中自由主义公民资格、传统公民资格和社会民主公民资格类型及其福利制度模式的基本特征。     

英国公民资格观及其在公民教育中的实践

公民资格是理解公民教育的起点和基础。当代英国公民资格观主要包括道德的公民资格观、法定的公民资格观、参与的公民资格观和基于身份的公民资格观。道德的公民资格观和参与的公民资格观作为当下影响英国公民教育的主导话语,对公民教育实践产生了重要影响。法定的公民资格观强调公民教育中加强人权教育。基于身份的公民资格观则对公民教育实践提出质疑与挑战。英国公民资格理论话语的发展为公民教育实践提供了参照和启示。     

学术

论公民教育◆万明钢培养公民是一切教育目标表述的基础,也是国家对教育的基本要求。公民教育是当代西方政治哲学、教育理论关注的热点问题,其具有代表性的理论主要有自由主义公民教育、社群主义公民教育和多元文化主义公民教育。我国政治文明建设不仅是社会制度的设计和完善问题,更重要的是培养一代认同、积极参与并具有实践能力的公民。因此,公民教育的目标一定要明确地包含在基础     

自主性与公民美德——自由主义如何回应共和主义的挑战?

形形色色的"自由主义的共和主义"与"共和主义的自由主义"在当代政治理论争论中造成了严重的理论混乱.这种现象背后的根源,主要是因为自由主义的理论家们试图构造自由主义的公民美德,以回应共和主义的批评.传统自由主义的公民美德是私人性的,因此,能否构造出具有公共性的公民美德确实是共和主义对自由主义提出的真正挑战.罗尔斯的政治自由主义通过塑造一种特殊的慎议政治模式,体现了公共自主性的要求,同时又确保了公民的主观自由,从而在自由主义的语境中提出了公共性的公民美德,即公共理性.同时,由于以承认公民的道德能力为前提,而不是以培养公民的道德能力为目标,这种公民美德观念成功地使自己摆脱了完善论的风险.     

Republican cosmopolitanism: democratising the global dimensions of citizenship education

This paper considers the nature of citizenship found in recent republican cosmopolitan work within political theory. It argues that republican cosmopolitanism, which seeks to recognise the importance of both cosmopolitan and active citizenry within global political communities, offers important insights through which the nature of global citizenship education may be understood. After identifying the central substantive tenets of republican cosmopolitanism, key issues raised by these for citizenship education are discussed. It is suggested that citizenship education can benefit conceptually from understanding and interrogating global issues from a republican cosmopolitan perspective, and that in turn recourse to republican cosmopolitan ideas raises important questions concerning the nature and focus of global aspects of the citizenship curriculum.     

走向理性的探索——1978年以来中国大陆公民教育研究的回顾与展望

1978年以来,公民教育的发展可以划分为两个主要阶段：2000年以前,公民教育的复苏阶段,在理论上附庸政治话语,开始了谨小慎微的实践探索;2001年以来可以称为公民教育的保守寻求阶段,在理论上呈现百家争鸣的趋势,实践的探索日趋多样化。公民教育的未来需要理性的探索,即在价值上坚持人是目的,追求正义及正义品质,为公共生活留出空间。     

Social justice storytelling and young children's active citizenship

This paper examines empirical data with regard to recent theorizing and conceptualizing of children's citizenship. It draws on a doctoral study where the author told social justice stories to one class of children aged five to six years to investigate the active citizenship that the stories set in motion. By imagining this action research study rhizomatically, organic and tangent pathways were mapped of what the stories set in motion. Analysis was informed by poststructuralist discourse theory and critical theory on political action, which enabled identification of enablers and constrainers of young children's actual practice of citizenship. A case is argued for acknowledgement of young children's political identities and capacity to act as communitarian citizens.     

On the duty of educating respect: a response to Robin Barrow

The notion of the common good has been cited as a key constituent of citizenship education in England, within which the development of a concern for the common good represents a key disposition. The term has, however, received little critical attention to date within the discourse of the subject, either in terms of its theoretical basis or its educational function and form. For this reason to develop the common good represents an ill‐defined aim of the citizenship education in schools. This article seeks to redress this by critically engaging with different formulations of the common good within recent civic republican political theory. More specifically, it attempts to delineate between notions of the common good that are essentially moral and notions that emphasise political understandings of the term, and which, in so doing, minimise the moral. On the basis of this exploration a number of issues are raised for citizenship education in England and it is suggested that to fail to view the common good as a moral enterprise is inherently problematic.     

Philosophy of Education and the Historical

What is citizenship? This question goes back to the political philosophy of Aristotle, and how one answers it will be decisive in determining one's vision of political life. In the last ten to fifteen years, the question of citizenship has aroused a renewed set of extremely lively debates within political philosophy, and Iris Marion Young has certainly occupied an important place within these theoretical debates. In particular, Young—especially in her seminal article, Polity and Group Difference: A critique of the ideal of universal citizenship—has presented a sharp challenge to all political theorists who are in some broad sense intellectually nourished by the tradition of civic republicanism and who think about the theme of citizenship under the influence of civic‐republican conceptions. In essence, Young's argument is that the practices of contemporary liberal society show that the implicit normative promise contained in the idea of a universal citizen identity has not been fulfilled, and therefore we must rethink this notion from the ground up. The purpose of my essay is to review the arguments that constitute Young's challenge to the civic‐republican tradition, with a view to clarifying the following questions: Is Young's political theory aimed at a reconstruction of the idea of citizenship on a normatively more sound basis? Or does her project imply a rejection of the idea of citizenship, and its displacement by an alternative understanding of political membership?     

Cultivating Political Morality for Deliberative Citizens — Rawls and Callan Revisited

In this article, I will argue that the implementation of deliberative democracy needs to be supplemented by a specific political morality in order to cultivate free and equal citizens in exercising public reason for achieving a cooperative and inclusive liberal society. This cultivation of personality is literally an educational project with a robust ethical ambition, and hence, it reminds us the orthodox liberal problem concerning the relation between the state and its citizenship education. Following Callan’s reformulation of the political conception of the person, I will argue that Rawls’s political liberalism can accommodate the ethical demand of deliberative citizenship education. Liberal civic education should legitimately specify its own ethical endowments for active citizenship and need not shy away from making proposals on the cultivation of liberal character that might result in influencing individual’s conception of the good. Rawls’s theory thus redefines the state neutrality problem on education and paves the way for a framework of deliberative citizenship education.     

Review of the effects of citizenship education

Based on the assumption that schools can play a significant role in the citizenship development of students, in most contemporary modern societies schools are obligated to provide citizenship education. However, the effectiveness of different forms of citizenship education is still unclear. From the empirical literature on citizenship over the period of 2003–2009 28 articles were selected on effects of citizenship education on students’ citizenship. Our review showed the political domain of citizenship to be emphasized more than the social domain. An open and democratic classroom climate in which discussion and dialogue takes place appears to effectively promote the development of citizenship among secondary school students. Moreover, a formal curriculum that includes citizenship projects and courses also appears to be an effective type of citizenship education. The effects of citizenship education are discussed in relation to the quality of the studies reviewed.     

现代化、民主国家与公民教育

民主国家是现代化的政治前提。民主国家的建构离不开民主参与,即民主观念指导下的公民参与。其中,民主观念是民主国家建构的动力源,公民参与是民主国家建构的政治保障。而公民的民主观念和政治参与不是凭空出现的,二者与公民及其教育紧密相连,息息相关,并且需要公民教育的积极推动。可见,民主国家是考察现代化进程中公民教育功能的逻辑起点。