Violence among family members of children and adolescents evaluated for sexual abuse

OBJECTIVES: The two aims of this study were to: (1). describe the prevalence and characteristics of domestic adult and child physical violence in the homes of children and adolescents evaluated in a specialized sexual abuse clinic and (2). describe parent or caretaker responses to domestic adult and child violence and child sexual abuse, including tendencies to report or seek medical care. METHOD: A consecutive sample of 164 subjects (ages 7-19) were interviewed in a sexual abuse clinic regarding in-home violent or abusive experiences among family members that had occurred at any time during their childhood. RESULTS: Fifty-two percent of these children and teenagers reported spousal violence in their home. Fifty-eight percent of child sexual offenders who were in-home males also physically abused their adult female partner. Half of in-home males who were physically violent to children also sexually abused them. In 86% of homes with partner violence, the children were also physically assaulted. There was no difference in sexual abuse disclosure rates or patterns for children living with or without adult violence. CONCLUSIONS: Sexually abused children should be questioned about physical abuse and the presence of violence among adults in their home. Safety plans for sexually abused children should incorporate screening for family violence and safety plans for parents and siblings of child victims, when appropriate.     

Child physical and sexual abuse: the roles of sadism and sexuality

Based on the analytical concepts of narcissism and perversion and clinical material, an hypothesis is presented for the understanding of the mental functioning of the physically and sexually abusive parent. Relating the aggressive instinct to narcissism and the sexual instinct to perversion, two modes of functioning are presented which have some points in common and some diverging but which show the dynamics involved in physical and sexual abuse. Understanding the type of emotional relationship between the parents and the type of their emotional investment in their child allows us to see how the complicity of parents works against the child. This understanding implicitly gives insight into the structuring of the personality of the child-victim, who in turn undergoes the risk of himself becoming a physically and/or sexually abusive parent with his own children.     

The sexually abused child: a comparison of male and female victims

Although the amount of research dealing with child sexual abuse is rapidly increasing, there have been very few attempts to identify and compare variables that characterize differences between female and male victims. To address this void, 25 substantiated cases of sexual abuse involving male children were compared with 180 substantiated cases of sexual abuse of female children. Significant differences between female and male victims were observed in the following areas: family composition, the perpetrator of the abuse, variables contributing to the continuation of the abusive situation, and the type of services provided to the sexually abused child and family. Implications for treatment are offered.     

Child abuse by adolescent caregivers

The purpose of this analysis was to estimate the frequency and severity of child abuse committed by adolescents who were in nonparental caregiving roles. The sample was composed of cases in which either physical or sexual abuse was substantiated through child welfare investigation. The main comparisons were between adolescent and adult caregivers. While caregiver age did not appear to have a consistent effect on the occurrence of physical abuse, notable differences between adolescents and adults were found in the area of sexual abuse. Not only were adolescents observed to commit substantially more sexual abuse than older caregiver cohorts, but the sexual abuse they committed was more likely to involve intercourse and physical assault. These findings have implications for future research and practice.     

Making sense of children's sexual behavior in child care: An analysis of adult responses in special investigation reports

This paper investigates how adults respond to sexual behavior among children in child care. Culturally, childhood sexuality is variously understood as natural curiosity, a sign of sexual abuse, or a symptom of a sex-offender in the making. Given these competing cultural meanings, how are sexual-like behaviors by children managed by the adults who care for them? An analysis of qualitative data from Special Investigation Reports by childcare licensing consultants in the state of Michigan is used to examine how parents, child care providers, and child care licensing consultants manage and respond to sexual behavior between children in the context of child care. How sexual behavior is responded to depends primarily on who is doing the responding – parent, childcare provider, or state licensing consultant – rather than what type of behavior is being responded to. Parents respond to a wide range of behaviors between children as if they are incidents of sexual abuse. Childcare providers respond to many of those same incidents as misbehavior. Licensing consultants understand these incidents as violation of rules of supervision, but they were also the only group to ever ask if children's sexual behavior was potentially a sign of a child having been sexually abused in another setting. Providers and parents need more education about what kinds of sexual behavior to be concerned about and what kind to understand as common. More education that sexuality that is “rare” and persistent could be a sign of sexual abuse is needed by all parties.     

Sexual abuse by grandparents.

Using a sample of 95 case records of sexual abuse substantiated through child protection investigation, this study confirmed several findings from earlier studies of sexually abusive grandparents: (a) virtually all perpetrators are male, (b) the vast majority of victims are female, (c) a disproportionately large share of abusive grandfathers appear to also be sexually abusive fathers, and (d) stepgrandchildren appear to experience greater risk. Additionally, it was noted that stepgrandparent perpetrators were more threatening and physically violent. However, contrary to some earlier studies, evidence was provided that this form of abuse is inappropriately described as "gentle." Explicit threats and overt physical assault were noted in 14 cases. Moreover, the other tactics used to gain children's compliance, such as overpowering them, suddenly grabbing their genitals, and attacking them in their sleep, appeared to seriously compromise children's autonomy and personal integrity.     

Female child perpetrators: children who molest other children

Little is known about sexual perpetration by females or by young children. This paper describes the sexual perpetration behavior of 13 female child perpetrators between 4 and 13 years of age. These children were treated in a specially designed program for child perpetrators, the Support Program for Abuse-Reactive Kids (SPARK) at Children's Institute International of Los Angeles, California. All of these girls used force or coercion to gain the compliance of the other child or children. Of these child perpetrators, 100% had been previously sexually abused; 31% had been physically abused; 85% were molested by family members; 77% of the girls chose a victim in their family (the other 3 girls had no available family members). The mean age of their first known perpetration was 6 years, 9 months. The average age of their victims was 4 years, 4 months. The average number of victims of these girls was 3.5 with a range of 1 to 15. The girls victimized two times more boys than girls. There was a history of sexual, physical, and substance abuse in the families of these children. Hypotheses regarding the genesis of the sexually abusive behavior in these female child perpetrators are explored.     

The sexual victimization of male children: a review of previous research

The evidence available at this time indicates that male children are more likely to be abused by nonfamily rather than family members. Residing in a neglectful home or a mother-headed household and having previous homosexual contact tend to heighten risk for sexual abuse by nonfamily members. Familial sexual abuse appears related to residence in a home where other siblings are being abused, where the father was a victim of sexual abuse as a child, and where parents suffer myriad personal and social adjustment difficulties. Effects of male child sexual abuse appear to be serious and long lasting. The scant writings available at this time imply that the sexually abused male child experiences a range of adjustment and self-esteem problems as an adult and may be at heightened risk to become a child sexual abuser.     

Child sexual abuse: victim age, victim gender, and observer gender as factors contributing to attributions of responsibility

Objective: The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of victim age, victim gender, and observer gender on the tendency to attribute responsibility for extrafamilial child sexual abuse to the victim and the nonoffending parents.Method: A 2 (Victim Age) × 2 (Victim Gender) × 2 (Observer Gender) between-subjects design was employed. Undergraduate students (N = 145) read a vignette describing a sexually abusive interaction between an adult male neighbor and a child. In this vignette, the child’s gender and age (6 years old, 13 years old) varied. After reading the vignette, participants used a 5-point scale to indicate the degree to which they believed the victim and the parents (a) were responsible for, (b) were to blame for, (c) caused, and (d) could have prevented the abuse.Results: Greater responsibility was assigned to older than younger victims. Both parents were ascribed similar levels of responsibility, and were ascribed greater responsibility when the child victim was younger than older. Male observers attributed greater responsibility and causality to the victim and the parents than did female observers.Conclusions: The results indicate that responsibility attributions directed toward the victim and the nonoffending parents may be a function of the victim’s age. In addition, the findings support previous research suggesting that male observers may tend to hold victims more responsible for their abuse than female observers. Implications for treatment and research are discussed.Spanish abstract was not available at time of publication.     

Child perpetrators--children who molest other children: preliminary findings

While the seriousness of sexual abuse by adolescents is finally beginning to receive adequate attention from the professional community, the existence of child perpetrators is largely dismissed and denied. Forty-seven boys between the ages of 4 and 13 are described who have molested children younger than themselves. Coercion was involved in all of the cases included in this study. These children had been treated in a program especially designed for child perpetrators at Children's Institute International in Los Angeles. Prior to their own sexually abusive behaviors, 49% of these boys had been sexually abused and 19% physically abused. The children all knew the people who victimized them. These male child perpetrators all knew the children they molested. In 47% of the cases the sexual abuse was of a sibling. The average number of victims of these children was 2.1 with a range of 1 to 7. The mean age at the time of perpetration was 8 years, 9 months. The mean age of the victims of these children was 6 years, 9 months. There was a history of sexual and physical abuse in the majority of the families of these children, as well as a history of substance abuse. This population is compared to adolescent perpetrators.     

Risk factors for a New Zealand sample of sexually abusive children and adolescents

OBJECTIVE: The aim was to understand variables contributing to the occurrence of sexual offending in children and adolescents. METHOD: Twenty youngsters who had engaged in coercive sexual behavior involving other children were compared to a matched group of clinic-referred youngsters with conduct disorders. Assessments included family histories, interviews, and psychometric measures. RESULTS: There was no group difference in the frequency of experiencing sexual abuse. However, sexually abusive youngsters were more often exposed to adult caregivers with known histories of being sexually abusive. These children had been subjected to multiple distortions of adult attachment, tended to internalize distress, and failed to use available social supports. They were likely to have experienced physical and verbal abuse; children with behavior disorders were more likely to have a parent with a psychiatric illness and to have experienced parental conflict. CONCLUSION: Severely disrupted attachment, in conjunction with family experiences of inappropriate sexual expression, place children and adolescents at risk for sexual offending. Sexually abusive youngsters had less social supports and their offending occurred after a negative emotional experience, when there was opportunity in the form of younger victims. The study suggests an interaction among developmental pathways, coping skills, and immediate proximal variables for the perpetration of sexual abuse by young people.     

Trauma resilience among youth in substitute care demonstrating sexual behavior problems

OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this longitudinal study was to examine the relationship between several proposed protective factors and trauma symptoms among highly vulnerable youth in the child welfare system. METHODS: Participants were 142 youth identified with a sexual behavior problem and their caregivers. Two waves of data were collected for each participant an average of 18 months apart. Foster parents reported on perceived level of support from the child welfare agency, youth involvement in club activities, and perception of youths' interpersonal and emotional competence. Youth provided self-reports of their sexual and physical abuse experiences, trauma symptoms at both time 1 and time 2, and ratings of parenting practices. RESULTS: Youth with higher rates of sexual abuse showed more negative affect and higher levels of sexual and non-sexual rumination at time 2, controlling for time 1 scores. Boys and youth who experienced better parenting practices displayed lower negative affect. Youth with higher levels of emotional and interpersonal competence showed lower levels of non-sexual rumination. Moderation analyses revealed that youth with more significant sexual abuse histories whose foster parents did not feel supported by their child welfare caseworkers had higher levels of sexually ruminative thoughts. Finally, the results revealed that only youth without sexual abuse histories experienced the benefits of club involvement in terms of lower sexual rumination scores. CONCLUSIONS: This study demonstrated that youth with significant vulnerabilities can still exhibit a degree of protection from trauma symptomatology in the presence of a wide range of personal and social variables. These findings support the efforts of stakeholders to promote strengths at the level of the individual, family, and broader social network and community.     

Childhood sexual abuse among university students in Tanzania

OBJECTIVES: There are no prevalence data for childhood sexual abuse among Tanzanian university students. This investigation addressed this paucity. The nature of sexual abuse was also investigated. METHOD: Participants (N=487) from a university in Tanzania completed a questionnaire which assessed abusive childhood sexual experiences, gathering information about age of victim, duration of abuse, perpetrators, amount of force or persuasion involved, and potential causes of child sexual abuse. A number of individuals were also interviewed about their experiences. RESULTS: The overall prevalence rate for child sexual abuse was 27.7%, with rates being higher for females than for males. The average age of the victim when abuse occurred was 13.8 years. Perpetrators were generally unidentified by respondents; nonetheless, a surprisingly high proportion of female perpetrators was noted. There was a considerable amount of force or persuasion involved in the abusive behavior: betrayal of trust, bribes and physical force were cited frequently. Poverty and superstition were the primary explanations given for child sexual abuse. CONCLUSION: The study provides evidence for the existence of child sexual abuse in Tanzania. Poverty feeds the "sugar daddy/mammy" phenomenon and combined with various forms of superstition is an important factor in child sexual abuse in Tanzania.     

Professionals' adherence to mandatory child abuse reporting laws: effects of responsibility attribution, confidence ratings, and situational factors

This study investigated the relationship between responsibility attribution and tendency to report child sexual abuse among practicing psychologists. Two hundred ninety-five licensed psychologists from two states completed vignettes in which the sex of the child and the father's admission or denial of alleged sexual abuse were systematically manipulated. Subjects assigned relative percentages of responsibility to the father, mother, child, and society for the abuse and indicated their tendency to report and their level of confidence that abuse was occurring. Results indicated a significant effect for responsibility to the mother which varied as a function of the father's response to the allegation of abuse. Mothers were blamed significantly more for the abuse when the father denied being abusive. Responsibility attribution did not predict reporting, while confidence in the occurrence of abuse did. Also, sex differences were found among participants where male subjects assigned significantly more responsibility to the abusive father than female participants, and the females blamed the mother more than the males. Results are discussed in the context of previous research on responsibility attribution in child abuse.     

General population norms about child abuse and neglect and associations with childhood experiences

BACKGROUND: A variety of definitions of child abuse and neglect exist. However, little is known about norms in the general population as to what constitutes child abuse and neglect or how perceived norms may be related to personal experiences. METHODS: We conducted a random-digit-dialed telephone survey of 504 Washington State adults. Respondents were asked whether they believed each of 34 behaviors, identified in focus groups as possibly physically, sexually or emotionally abusive or neglectful, constituted abuse or neglect. Then, they were asked whether they had experienced 33 of the behaviors. RESULTS: Five of the six behaviors with the highest levels of consensus were for sexual abuse, whereas only one emotionally abusive behavior had a high level of consensus (95% agreement). Consensus that spanking constituted abuse increased with severity. Those respondents who reported experiencing a particular behavior were significantly less likely to believe the behavior abusive for 11 of the 33 behaviors and more likely to believe the behavior abusive for two of the behaviors. Where comparisons were possible, there was a high level of consensus that behaviors identified as abusive in Child Protective Service operational definitions constituted abuse. CONCLUSIONS: Self-reported childhood experiences were associated with perceived norms about child abuse. A better understanding of community norms about child abuse and neglect may be helpful in communicating with the public or allow for better targeting of educational messages through the media, parenting education classes, and so forth.     

Further abuse of sexually abused children

OBJECTIVE: To determine the incidence of re-abuse in children known to have been sexually abused and to find factors that increase the risk of re-abuse. METHOD: The study group consisted of 183 children with substantiated sexual abuse who presented to two children's hospitals' Child Protection Units in Sydney, Australia during 1988 through 1990. At intake, when the children were aged between 5 years and 15 years, data about the child, the family, and the nature of the index sexual abuse were collected. Six years after presentation for the abuse, records of the Department of Community Services were checked to see if any of the young people had been the subject of substantiated notifications for abuse/neglect before and after intake to the study. Predictors of notifications for abuse/neglect after presentation for the index sexual abuse were identified. RESULTS: Of the sexually abused young people, nearly one in three were the subject of subsequent substantiated notifications to the Department of Community Services for some form of child abuse and neglect or behavior which placed them at risk of harm. Later notifications for abuse/neglect were predicted by notifications for emotional abuse before the index sexual abuse (adjusted RR = 4.88, CI: 1.43 to 16.65), severity of the index sexual abuse (p = .03), and the number of changes in the child's primary caregivers before intake (p = .03). Approximately one in six of the sexually abused young people were notified for sexual abuse after intake to the study. One in 10 also had prior notifications for sexual abuse. Sexual abuse notifications after study intake were predicted by caregiver changes before intake (p = .01) and whether or not there were notifications for emotional abuse before the index sexual abuse (adjusted RR = 3.40, CI: 1.05 to 11.02). CONCLUSIONS: Revictimization of children appears to be a marker of ongoing family dysfunction. Intervention in child sexual abuse needs to consider a range of risk factors associated with re-abuse and, in particular, should focus on family functioning if further abuse is to be prevented.     

Typology for parents of abused children

This paper reports an effort to classify the parents of abused children with some existing and some new empirically/clinically consistent typologies, which are derived from the parents' psychopathological personality profiles. Such a classification scheme is informative and helpful for both treatment planning and permanency planning for abusive parents and abused children, whether or not the children have been separated from their parents. Several previously reported typologies for abusive parents are reviewed and then elaborated in light of the additional data and insights gained from an ongoing study of 50 abusive parents who were separated from their children due to severe child abuse. Such typological analyses based upon principal personality characteristics and dynamics promise to help in formulating both secondary and even primary child abuse prevention procedures and programs. The parent typologies which represent the more favorable prognoses, as determined by their therapist's estimate of their response to ongoing treatment, are those classified as rigid-compulsive, or experiencing identity/role crisis, or displaced abuse/violence. Parents whose child abusive behavior is a function of extremely maladaptive resolutions of major life issues fall into the hostile-aggressive, passive-dependent, and severe mental illness typologies, where the prognoses are considerably more guarded. The relatively high incidence of hostile-aggressive fathers coupled with passive-dependent mothers as abusive parents to children in a residential program for severely abused children also helps explain some of the children's psychopathology.