政治传播与修辞说服——2000年美国总统大选辩论剖析

电视公开辩论已经成为美国政治传播中的一种重要手段，它们通过精心设计的话语来实现其说服性功能。亚里斯多德把修辞划分为三类，其中就包括以说服为核心的商讨辩论的修辞。通过分析作为实证案例的2000年美国大选中戈尔与小布什的三场电视公开辩论，我们具体探讨两位修选人如何通过情绪法来进行说服，从而达到政治传播的目的，并重点分析了三组对立的情绪及其作为修辞说服手段在政治传播中的应用。     

独立后的中亚五国政治体制

论述了中亚五国特殊的总统制政体的现状，并通过中亚各国的政治、经济、化等社会结构运行的实际状况，探讨了中亚五国实行总统制政体的必然性。最后，对中亚五国实行总统制后社会转型中出现的问题进行了阐述。     

Issue Ownership in Congressional Campaign Television Spots

This study investigated issue ownership patterns in 602 U.S. House and Senate Democratic and Republican political campaign television advertisements from 1980–2000. First, the themes in these ads were about equally split between policy and character (unlike presidential TV spots from the same time period, which are roughly two-thirds policy and one-third character). Candidates from each political party addressed their own party's issues more than issues owned by the other party. However, unlike presidential spots, congressional ads discussed Democratic issues more than Republican issues (59% to 41%). Although candidates from both political parties discussed their own issues more, winners tended to discuss issues from the other party more than losers. There was no difference in issue ownership emphasis between the House and Senate ads in this sample.     

新时期高校校办秘书应具备的素质

新时期对高校校办秘书素质提出了更高要求。本文认为 ,作为新时期高校校办秘书 ,应具备三方面素质———良好的政治素质、良好的业务素质和良好的心理素质     

Artistic Constitutions of the Civil Domain: On Art,Education and Democracy

How can we understand the relationship between art, education and democracy in the contemporary Western political condition? The recent presidential elections in the USA showed that the classical model of liberal representative democracy is shaking on its foundations. The question is how can artists and education respond to this political condition? In this article it is argued that art has a special quality to address political, and especially democratic, issues. It can strengthen education in its lessons in democracy and citizenship. Art has a special quality to walk on an alternative path of democracy, namely that of the civil domain. In the civil sphere artistic qualities and skills of designing and of imagination can play a crucial role.     

论美国总统选举人团制度与其政党制度的互塑

总统选举人团制度,是美国独创的选举国家领导人的制度。美国政党的出现,使总统选举人不再具有原始的独立性,而变成了政党的工具;美国实行“总统选举人团”和“赢者通吃”的选举规则,这种选举制度有利于大党而不利于小党,从而产生和维护了两党制,在共和党和民主党两大党中,则更有利于共和党。     

Political party affiliation and presidential campaign discourse

This study investigates the question of whether the political party affiliation of presidential candidates influences the nature of the discourse they produce in political campaigns. Analysis of primary and general debates, primary and general television spots, and acceptance addresses from 1948 to 2000 demonstrates systematic differences between the messages invented by Republican and Democratic presidential candidates. Democrats discuss policy more, and character less, than Republicans. Democrats attack on policy more, and character less, than Republicans. Democrats emphasize Democratic issues (e.g., education) more than Republicans, whereas Republicans stress Republican issues (e.g., defense), more than Democrats. Finally, Republicans emphasize the character traits of sincerity and morality more, and empathy and drive less, than Democrats.     

On the Shoulders of Giants by Robert K. Merton. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,vicennial edition, 1985, 300 pp., hardcover.

Abstract

This article describes possibilities afforded by using social media, specifically Twitter, as a way to encourage students to join political conversations across the United States and around the world. In this study, we describe a project in which students used Twitter to share commentary about the state of the 2012 presidential election. The experiences of these students illustrate both the potential strengths and limitations of using social media as a tool for political engagement.     

Political Television Advertising in Campaign 2000

Most studies of political advertising focus on presidential television spots. However, far more commercials are broadcast for other races. This study applies the functional theory of political campaign discourse to 584 television spots from presidential, gubernatorial, senatorial, house, and local races in the 2000 election. The most common functions were acclaims (67%) followed by attacks (32%) and defenses (1%). When non-presidential ads are examined, incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Party-sponsored ads employed more attacks than ads sponsored by the candidates. These messages emphasized policy more than character (62% against 38%). Democratic candidates discussed policy more than Republicans. Presidential and gubernatorial ads (executive offices) discussed policy more than ads for other offices.     

Triumph in Defeat: The Genre of Third Party Presidential Concessions

I argue through analysis of the genre of concession speeches that third party presidential candidates have rhetorical norms of their own that address their unique challenges as political outsiders. I contend that their concessions are a variant of the concession genre warranted by the recurring situational barriers and overall purposes for minor party presidential campaigns. In developing this argument, I describe the function and form of traditional concessions, offer an alternative theory based on the analysis of over 30 such statements by various third party nominees from 1948 to 2008, and then provide three case studies demonstrating the genre.     

奥巴马就职演说的话语分析——从及物性的角度分析奥巴马就职演说词

就职演说是一种独特而重要的实用文体,受到人们一直的关注。美国总统就职演说的每一篇都可谓是传世经典,影响广泛,意义重大,通过就职演说的研究对于更好的把握演讲者的政治意图有重要作用。本文以韩礼德系统功能语法为理论依据,从概念功能的角度对第一位非裔美国总统巴拉克.侯赛因.奥巴马的就职演说的及物性特征分析,期望获得这位非裔美国总统演说的文体特点。     

张君劢的中央政制构想及其困境初探

总统制与内阁制一直是近代知识精英孜孜以求又摇摆不定的两种政治选择方案,张君劢厕身其间,取法两者之长,从调和总统、行政院与立法院的关系入手,提出了“修正式之内阁制”的解决之道,然而由于其体制自身的紊乱,注定了这一方案无法有效实施。     

浅析影响美国政治制度选择的历史因素

民主共和、有限政府、议会制、联邦制、总统制等政治思想及制度构成了美国政治制度的核心内容。一个国家的政体设计和选择,很大程度上是这个国家的历史文化、政治传统、时代背景、地理环境等综合因素的产物。建国纲领、政治传统、经济模式、国家架构、政党关系、领袖影响六大因素在美国联邦总统共和制政体形成的历史路径中起着决定性的作用。     

Barack Obama,the Exodus Tradition,and the Joshua Generation

This essay explores Barack Obama's invocation of the Exodus during his 2008 presidential campaign. It argues Obama's turn to Exodus, his rare embodiment of Joshua, and his renewal of the American covenant nicely addressed major rhetorical problems that he faced. Of equal importance, his campaign oratory opens an important line of inquiry into the relationship between social order and critique in this idiom. Obama's discourse induces us to examine anew the possibilities for social and political change suggested by the Exodus.     

Issue Ownership for Non-Presidential Television Spots

Petrocik's (1996) theory of political party issue ownership predicts that candidates will emphasize the issues on which their own party is considered most effective. This prediction has been confirmed in presidential campaign messages, but it has yet to be tested with non-presidential campaign discourse. Computer content analysis of over 1100 political television spots from 1980 to 2002 (most spots were from 2002) discovered that overall, Democratic candidates discussed their own party's issues more than did Republicans, whereas Republicans discussed Republican issues more than did Democratic candidates. However, local ads and US Senate spots from 2002 did not follow issue ownership predictions (candidates did not discuss their own party's issues significantly more than the other party's issues). Unlike presidential spots, non-presidential advertising discusses Democratic issues more than Republican ones; the Republican Party owns more national or federal issues such as national defense and foreign policy.     

教育政策与美国总统政治

随着教育重要性的日益凸显,总统政治和教育的联系日趋密切。20世纪60年代中期以来,美国教育政策逐渐成为总统政治的核心,直接影响到总统竞选的成功与否以及执政过程中的民意向背。为此,两党候选人纷纷在竞选中将自己标榜为“教育总统”,积极构思一系列教育政策,以此谋求民众的支持。本文首先对20世纪60年代中期以来美国总统政治中的教育问题进行了系统梳理,随后对总统政治与教育之间的关系进行了总结。     

“For millions of people,this is real trauma”: A pedagogy of political trauma in the wake of the 2016 U.S. Presidential election

To explore how teachers navigated the days after the 2016 U.S. presidential election, we conducted a national, anonymous questionnaire. In this paper, we focus specifically on those participants who reported what we conceptualize as students' political trauma. Drawing on participants' responses, we outline a pedagogy to respond to this political trauma that includes: 1) attending to students' emotions; 2) emphasizing civic knowledge; and 3) developing students’ critical consciousness and activism. We argue that these three domains collectively create opportunities to work toward the democratic and emancipatory purposes of education in the wake of politically traumatic events.     

美国对1964年智利总统选举的干涉探析

1964年智利总统选举,弗雷和阿连德展开了激烈竞争。此次选举结果不仅关系到未来六年智利政局的走向,而且也是对美国外交的严峻考验。基于意识形态和经济利益的双重因素,白宫对智利发动了大规模干涉行动。美国采取经济上援助基民党、舆论上抹黑阿连德、军事上炫耀武力等方式,把弗雷送进莫内达宫,阻止了阿连德当选,成功达到预期目的。美国的干涉深刻影响了智利政局的发展和美智关系的走向。     

政治运动的动员机制--以"三反"运动为个案

政治动员在现代中国是一个特定的政治概念,“三反’’运动的发动,凸显了中国政治动员的特殊方式,揭示了中国政治运作的内在规律。本通过梳理“三反’’运动的发动、高潮和结束的历史过程,展示了“三反”运动的表征与实质的冲突,上层决策与群体行为的离合,告诉人们,“三反”运动是怎样形成某种中国特有的治理模式。     

从民主视角剖析美国总统选举制度

美国总统选举制度在实践中会产生非民主的后果，历来引入争论，理解美国总统选举制度的关键在于理解其与民主的真实关系。本文从民主视角出发，剖析了美国总统选举制度，指出了其长期存在的原因和必然性；美国总统选举制度能够克服民主制度的弊端，有利于美国民主政治的良好运转和长治久安。