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Tomás Irish 《History of education》2016,45(1):38-56
In 1924 the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace published a volume investigating the teaching of school history in former belligerent states in Europe. The project sought to reconcile former enemies through mutual understanding and educational exchange and reflected a widely held belief that although the military conflict had finished, its ideas still resounded and served to perpetuate antagonism. The CEIP project, conceived in the internationalist spirit, was itself derailed by nationalist enmity, a consequence of the Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr in January 1923, demonstrating the limits of cultural reconciliation in the early 1920s, and the resultant volume showed that belligerent views of recent history were still being taught to schoolchildren in France and Germany in the early 1920s. 相似文献
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和平是人类千万年的向往,但战争却从来没有停止过。战争不是源于文明的冲突,也不是源于利益的冲突,战争源于不民主的规则体系。专制政权长期未能创造必要的价值,又以极其不公平的方式分配它们,因而除了用武力维持社会的安宁外别无选择。独裁者们习惯于用武力处理国内社会关系,只要形势需要,他们也将在对外政策中毫不犹豫地使用武力,因为没有任何制度或习惯会阻碍他们如此行事。要减少和消除战争,必须从消除不民主的规则体系入手。 相似文献
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龙四古 《五邑大学学报(社会科学版)》2008,10(3):74-78
和平是人类千万年的向往,但战争却从来没有停止过。战争不是源于文明或利益的冲突,而是源于不民主的规则体系。专制政权未能创造必要的价值和公平的分配方式,所以只要形势需要,它会在内外政策中毫不犹豫地使用武力来维护自身的权益。要减少和消除战争,必须从消除不民主的规则体系入手。 相似文献
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司德坤 《山西大学师范学院学报》2007,6(1):73-76
和平自古以来就是人们最荑好的愿望。现在更是主流话语体系中使用最频繁的词汇,已经很少有人不会意识到和平对人类生存与发展至关重要的意义。人们对和平的认识却十分模糊和含混,不仅在不同文化语境中具有不同的内涵,而且要想对和平进行非常精确的界定确实十分困难。 相似文献
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林海 《北京城市学院学报》2002,(4):81-89
在信息时代 ,战争的根源、战争的主体、战争的规则、战争的特点、战争的形式等等 ,都发生了根本的变化。在信息战中 ,美、俄、日、伊和中国台海两岸都各有长处和短处。信息对抗和局部的信息战几乎是不可避免的 ,但全面的信息战必然给全人类带来毁灭性的灾难。为了保卫信息和平 ,中国必须抓紧和平时机 ,持续增长国民经济 ,建立自主的信息产业 ,推进民主政治和体制改革 ,大力培养和妥善使用信息人才。 相似文献
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潘迎华 《浙江教育学院学报》2003,(2):22-27
新南非建立初期,国家面临种族、党派、政治、经济、社会治安等多种矛盾,南非本土基督教组织把非洲本土的政治、化与西方的基督教思想、民主精神相结合,强调民主、平等的同时,提倡爱与社会整体的和谐,在经济上帮助穷人,用宗教唤起人们的良知,让罪犯在上帝面前主动认罪,让黑人重新找田自信,为化解新南非的种种矛盾,为它在和平、稳定中逐步走向繁荣作出独特的贡献。 相似文献
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20世纪的和平研究 总被引：8，自引：0，他引：8
韩洪文 《华东师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2000,32(3):35-43
在即将过去的20世纪里,整个人类经历了从战争走向和平的重大转折.人们对这一转折的认识,学者特别是西方学者对这一转变发生的根源、前提和条件等的努力探究,加深了人们对和平的理解,并由此在西方产生了和平研究.这是关于和平及其对立面研究的一门新的学科.研究的对象主要包括暴力研究、战争根源研究、危机冲突研究、非军事化研究等.这里讲的和平,是指世界和平.过去那种无战争状态即和平的传统观念已经受到诸多质疑,和平与和平研究既有密切的联系又有严格的区别. 相似文献
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张学松 《河南师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2001,28(6):94-96
《秦妇吟》的主旨,既非热情歌颂农民革命运动,又非仇视诬蔑农民革命,也不是对现实生活作“自然主义”的描写,而是表现人类追求生存的一般本性,是对和平的向往与对战争的批判。 相似文献
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美国和平教育是19～20世纪在世界和平运动的促进与指引下在对教育作用的反思的过程中兴起的一种教育思潮。在论述美国和平教育形成的社会背景的基础上,近一步探寻了美国和平教育的哲学理念。为普世知识开辟和平道路的夸美纽斯、主张用实用主义的学科教学促进和平的约翰．杜威、力推培养全球公民意识促进和平的蒙台梭利和用对话与批判推进和平的保罗．弗莱雷等皆为美国的和平教育提供了丰富的理论滋养。美国和平教育也经历了“和平世界愿景的提出——从反战走向积极的和平教育——迎接女性的和平教育——和平危机的时代——和平教育的积极发展”发展轨迹。美国和平教育发展对促进我国教育中对和平教育本质与使命的理解、提高对和平教育重要性的认识等方面都具有一定的启示意义。 相似文献
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徐希军 《安庆师范学院学报(社会科学版)》2006,25(4):10-14
九一八事变后,胡适主张:以妥协换取和平,赢得建设的时间;那种无视国力贫弱、军备窳劣的现实,不顾一切地要求全面抗战是不明智的,也是危险的;救国的根本在于改革内政,将中国建设成一个民主的现代化的统一国家。胡适对日主张的主导思想是通过外交途径解决中日冲突,冲突的解决绝不能以牺牲主权为代价;与日谋和只是一种手段,其最终的目的还是争取时间徐谋国家的富强和统一。 相似文献
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林海 《北京城市学院学报》2003,(1):96-99
文章从现代信息技术能力水平和信息资源占有力的角度,详尽分析了世界主要抗衡力量之间的微妙关系,着重分析了中国的信息化建设状况和现实水平。继承前一期《信息时代的“战争与和平”》,本文廓清了世界信息战中的力量架构,为进一步分析中国应当对世界信息和平做贡献做了铺垫。 相似文献
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回顾了古代奥运会追求和平的历程，论述了现代奥林匹克运动自诞生之日起就以追求和平为己任．虽然在其发展过程中屡遭战争的威胁，但奥林匹克追求和平的信念没有改变．并为人类的和平事业做出了卓越的贡献；相信通过全世界人民的共同努力，未来的奥林匹克必将使战争远离．圣火必将取代战火． 相似文献
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苏昕 《青岛职业技术学院学报》2004,17(1):62-65
西班牙王位继承战争(1701～1714年)是由西班牙王位继承问题而引起的一场国际性战争。英国反对法国在欧洲的霸权扩张,要求维持欧洲的均势,加入了这场战争,与法国展开了激烈的斗争。这场战争持续了13年,整个欧洲几乎都被卷入进去。对于这场战争,以往的研究并不多,本文试通过论述在此战争中英国对法国政策演变的过程及其原因,认清此次战争的实质,这对我们客观地把握当今的国际斗争是很有现实意义的。 相似文献
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Najwan Saada Zehavit Gross 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2017,38(6):807-822
This article analyzes how concepts of liberal and progressive Islam, which have been developed in the political and theological academic literature, may inform the curriculum of Islamic education and the practice of religious educators in Islamic schools in the US. We investigate the meaning of in-faith Islamic education and how it can conform to the life in a democratic, multicultural, and multi-faith society. Liberal Islam challenges the transmission-oriented and rigid interpretations of Islam and seeks to appreciate and to contextualize the religious claims which are compatible with ideals of reflective education, rational thinking, mutual respect, and equal citizenship. It suggests that students become critical ‘consumers’ of Islam, its moral and civic purposes, and the cultural politics of religious interrogations. 相似文献
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Peter Kallaway 《History of education》2013,42(2):217-246
Mission schools in Africa in the first half of the twentieth century were in many ways microcosms of the great educational debates of the times. The objectives of policies regarding access, governance and curriculum were part of a historical evolution of mission education but they were also increasingly a reflection of significant new trends that were to reshape the theory and practice of colonial education. New forms of educational research and professional expertise were to play an ever‐increasing role in shaping the forms and content of the education provided. The brief of the mission churches was to meet with the increasing demand for schooling. Church and state gradually expanded their cooperation in the field as the costs of education outstripped the resources of the missions and the demand for mass education came to be linked to nationalist demands for political and economic rights. This paper is concerned to map the background to those international influences that shaped the policy and practices of mission education and the increasing engagement of colonial governments with the field of education. It addresses the question of the worldwide Protestant mission church’s response to the changing political, social and economic environment of the first half of the twentieth century. In particular it seeks to explore how mission initiatives shaped thinking about education in Asia, Africa, Oceania and Latin America by the 1930s. It also attempts to situate those issues within a wider educational framework by linking them to the emergent debate concerning pragmatism and utilitarianism in regard to progressive education in the USA and the quest for social democratic education in the United Kingdom and Europe as part of a response to socialism, nationalism and totalitarianism. In short, the paper explores the influence of the Christian mission churches with regard to social policy, in general, and the provision of education, in particular, during the interwar years, with special reference to areas influenced by the work of the International Missionary Council. At a time when there was a crisis of support for ‘foreign missions’ how did the debates between fundamentalist‐evangelicals and supporters of a ‘social gospel’ transform themselves into debates regarding the role of missions in non‐Western societies? And how did these essentially ecclesiastical/theological issues come to influence public policy, specifically educational policy, in the long term? The conclusions are that mission churches had a very significant influence on the shaping of educational thinking in the colonial and imperial context at a time when state influence in the sector was still often quite weak. The origins of the conference and research culture that has informed educational policy since the establishment of the United Nations Organization had its roots in the broad context of the Charter of the League of Nations, with a meeting of religious and secular goals, prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. Between 1910 and 1939 there was a significant history of educational reform and community development that has only been partially documented in relation to its global significance. This is an attempt to build a framework for understanding the nature of those changes and what was achieved. The investigation is conducted through an exploration of the three great World Mission Conferences of the International Missionary Council (IMC) held at Edinburgh (1910), Jerusalem (1928) and Tambaram, India (1938). The attempts of Christian churches to engage with dramatic social changes associated with industrialisation, urbanisation, poverty, cultural change and the rise of anti‐colonialism, with specific regard to the field of educational policy, are documented and analysed. 相似文献
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彭小瑜 《首都师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2010,(6)
美国天主教主教团1983年发布牧函<和平的挑战>,在综合罗马天主教社会训导与美国文化和政策传统的基础上,对20世纪后半期的战争与和平问题提出了自己的见解.1993年,他们又发布牧函<在和平中播种正义的收成>,在后冷战语境中继续倡导天主教的和平理念.研究20世纪80年代和90年代的这两部和平牧函,有助于透彻了解当今世界各国处理国际关系问题的主导话语已经不再是民族国家利益,而是人权和人的尊严.虽然威斯特伐利亚条约以来的民族国家主权自决以及互不干涉内政的国际关系准则还依然有效、依然重要,但其局限性在21世纪新的国际格局面前已经十分明显,这一点需要正视和认真对待. 相似文献
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This article is a position paper drawing on the findings of several studies into attachment‐aware approaches in schools and other settings. In seeking to promote pedagogical positions that place greater emphasis on the emotional landscape of students, the authors locate this in an historical perspective. They outline the ways in which educationalists have come to separate the learning being from the feeling being, to the extent of evolving separate discourses on behaviour and wellbeing. On the contrary, the authors contend that these elements are intertwined, a reality that needs to be understood at policy level for ‘outcomes’ to change radically. They frame their argument in the light of conclusions drawn from studies in which they were involved of attachment‐awareness and emotion‐coaching approaches (2011–2017). The authors’ position is further informed by research exploring attitudes of excluded youngsters towards education (2015–2016), and also in light of the wider international literature around progressive education. 相似文献