Black power in Berkeley: Postmodern constructions in the rhetoric of Stokely Carmichael

In the speech at Berkeley, Carmichael revealed a potential in discourse that enabled him to develop, from out of the confines of a tactical rhetoric, a strategic rhetoric of blackness. Close analysis of Carmichael's speech, grounded in Burke's paradox of purity, illuminates the internal logic of Black Power, as well as Carmichael's use of reflexivity, reversal, deconstruction and re‐construction of dialectical terms and relationships. Contemporary discursive practices addressing issues of civil rights and race are then examined in light of the principles and purposes developed by Carmichael. The results challenge rhetorical scholars and critics to disrupt reliance on dialectical constructions within discourses of race.     

“Whores” and “Hottentots”: Protection of (white) women and white supremacy in anti-suffrage rhetoric

ABSTRACT

Through an analysis of anti-suffrage arguments, I identify white supremacist tropes as an important strand in woman suffrage debates. I argue that sexualization and themes of home were signals to racial bias, and American womanhood was used as a rhetorical resource in struggles over race and national identity. As we celebrate the centennial of woman suffrage, it is vital to recognize how debates over women in national space participate in white supremacist logics.     

George W. Bush's post-September 11 rhetoric of covenant renewal: upholding the faith of the greatest generation

The appeal of Bush's post-September 11 discourse lies in its similarities with the Puritan rhetoric of covenant renewal by which ministers brought second- and third-generation Puritans into the church. Through this epideictic discourse, Bush implored younger Americans to uphold the national covenant of their “elders,” the World War II generation, through support of the war on terrorism, and he revitalized the faith of the older generation. Bush's covenant renewal rhetoric in the context of September 11 inaugurated him into the presidency. It also explains his predilection for unilateral and/or pre-emptive action and his call for acts of local community service.     

Deconstitutive rhetoric: The destruction of legal personhood in the Global War on Terrorism

This essay examines a set of memoranda, speeches, and other official discourse issued during the Global War on Terrorism that transformed the legal paradigm under which the enemy was defined and authorized new norms of conduct previously prohibited by law. It argues that these texts employ “deconstitutive rhetoric,” defined as discursive action that undermines the existing legal status of those to whom it refers and produces a disarticulate, destitute subject by denying the individual access to the civic forums in which rhetorical agency may be exercised. The essay begins with an analysis of the use of deconstitutive rhetoric in the decision to legally re-define Afghanistan as a “failed state” in order to absolve the United States of treaty obligations with that nation. It then addresses the emergence of “unlawful enemy combatant status,” a new legal category not recognized under the international laws of war. The essay concludes with a discussion the Obama administration’s detention and drone strike policies, which have continued to use deconstitutive rhetoric to undermine the legal status of those captured and killed in the Global War on Terrorism.     

Chastity for democracy: Surplus repression and the rhetoric of sex education

Moving from opposition to participation, the Adolescent Family Life Act (1981) and the development of abstinence education marks the conservative movement's pivot to a rhetorical strategy of tolerance that enabled it to coopt the public culture of sex discourse. Working from Herbert Marcuse's theory of “surplus repression,” I argue that the New Right seized the liberationist argument for open public discourse about sexuality to sublimate libidinal desires into a national project of familial (re)productivity. The AFLA is significant in the rhetorical history of sex education because it demarcates the transition to a productive form of biopolitics that sought to manage sexuality by instrumentalizing rather than censuring bodily desire. Conservative sex talk illustrates how Eros—transgressive, creative, and erotic desires—is channeled into the discursive production of hyper-functional subjects invested in their own subjugation.     

反思与重构：被害人权利实现之救济机制研究——以刑事附带民事诉讼为视角

《刑事诉讼法》及相关司法解释对于刑事附带民事诉讼中被害人权利实现之救济机制存在诸多缺陷。应从完善被害人权利实现方式以及刑事附带民事诉讼审理程序等方面着手，重构应然状态下刑事附带民事诉讼中被害人权利实现之救济机制。     

State of rhetoric: neoliberal discourses for education in state of the state addresses and gubernatorial press releases

ABSTRACT

Policy elites use rhetoric in speeches and press releases to provide framing that is intended to influence public opinion. These rhetorical events can be treated as instances in which speech usefully promotes particular discourses. Indeed, elected officials are able to influence how individuals think about problems and solutions through speeches and press releases. Two important rhetorical events in which political elites advance frames for social issues are annual state of the state addresses (SoSA) given by U.S. governors and gubernatorial press releases that inform media reporting about state policy. This study employed policy discourse and rhetorical analyses to examine SoSAs and press releases as rhetorical events within the context of educational policy. Our findings show that governors framed the roles of state government, governors, and educational stakeholders within a discourse that perpetuates a neoliberal version of education. In this framing, governors situated education’s purpose as being workforce and economic development, ignoring its role in addressing social issues and preparing informed, engaged participants for democratic society. Given that individuals make decisions about how to address social issues and understand public institutions based on framing provided by political elites, these findings raise implications for state educational policies and the public purposes of education.     

Organizational rhetoric in the prospectuses of elite private schools: unpacking strategies of persuasion

The way in which private schools use rhetoric in their communications offers important insights into how these organizational sites persuade audiences and leverage marketplace advantage in the context of contemporary educational platforms. Through systemic analysis of rhetorical strategies employed in 65 ‘elite’ school prospectuses in Australia, this paper contributes to understandings of the ways schools’ communications draw on broader cultural politics in order to shape meanings and interactions among organizational actors. We identify six strategies consistently used by schools to this end: identification, juxtapositioning, bolstering or self-promotion, partial reporting, self-expansion, and reframing or reversal. We argue that, in the context of marketization and privatization discourses in twenty-first-century western education, these strategies attempt to subvert potentially threatening discourses, in the process actively reproducing broader economic and social privilege and inequalities.     

修辞的新功能:消解感情评价意义--当代小说对修辞传统功能的反叛与突破

修辞手段的运用是为了把思想感情表达得鲜明、有力,这是对修辞功能的传统认识和实践.但这种传统认识和实践在当代小说的修辞运作中却遭到了反叛意义上的突破.在具有新潮特质的小说文本中,修辞往往不是用于表现感情态度,恰恰相反,是用来消解叙事主体的感情评价和认知态度的.本文深入分析了这种消解运作的方式及目的,揭示了其深层思考背景以及它与当下社会现实、思维方式的联系.     

Legacies in Black and White: The Racial Composition of the Legacy Pool

Selective universities regularly employ policies that favor children of alumni (known as legacies) in undergraduate admissions. Since alumni from selective colleges and universities historically have been disproportionately white, admissions policies that favor legacies have disproportionately benefited white students. For this reason, legacy policies lead to additional costs in terms of reductions in racial diversity. As larger numbers of minority students graduate from colleges and universities and have children, however, the potential pool of legacy applicants will change markedly in racial composition. This analysis begins with a review of the history and objectives of the preference for children of alumni in undergraduate admissions. We then consider the specific case of the University of Virginia and employ demographic techniques to predict the racial composition of the pool of potential legacy applicants to the university. Significant changes in the racial composition of classes that graduated from the University of Virginia from the late 1960s through the 1970s foreshadow similar changes in the characteristics of alumni children maturing through the next two decades.     

Posthuman feminism and the rhetoric of silent cinema: Distributed agency,ontic media,and the possibility of a networked historiography

This essay pursues a pressing question in the study of posthuman rhetoric: Now that distributed agency has, to a degree, been theorized, to what use can it be put by feminists? In attempting one provisional response, the essay argues on behalf of the importance of a posthuman conception of ontic media, recuperating feminist agency not within a particular historical individual but, instead, in the relationships between her mediational networks and their nodes. Taking as its primary artifact Anita Loos’s groundbreaking 1916 film His Picture in the Papers, the essay historicizes and articulates Loos’s particular brand of indirect-qua-distributed feminist agency. In doing so, the essay gestures more broadly toward the role of such networks in the recovery of feminist critiques previously resistant to historicization due to their distributed nature.     

Collective memory,political nostalgia,and the rhetorical presidency: Bill Clinton's commemoration of the March on Washington,August 28, 1998

This essay offers a reading of President Bill Clinton's address on August 28, 1998 in which he commemorates the 35th anniversary of the March on Washington. Specifically, Clinton's August 28th address reveals how the presidency has become a hermeneutic site for the formation of collective memory and political nostalgia. This analysis discusses the uses of political nostalgia for the purposes of political image (re)construction as evidenced by Clinton's exploitation of the civil rights movement to explain and excuse his personal failings and his relationship with Monica Lewinsky. We also present a divergent version of Clinton's rhetoric, giving specific attention to how his particular use of nostalgia in this address works to articulate and confront many of the powerful dichotomies (masculine/feminine; war/peace; black/white; private/public) that define his presidency, his public persona, and the larger political culture in postmodern America.     

不要把公民权利关在学校门外——美国中小学学生权利研究

合理而清晰地界定中小学学生权利,是解决教育系统中学生发展和教育权威顾此失彼的两难问题的关键。美国于20世纪60至70年代在保障学生权利方面取得重大进步,并逐渐形成成熟体系。美国中小学学生权利包括:受教育和学习的权利、自由表达的权利、平等权、人身安全及隐私权。学生权利的界限处于不断变动之中,20世纪90年代以来,其总的变化趋势是学生的言论自由权受到更严格的限制,而受教育权、隐私权和平等权则受到更多保障。     

论"其他组织"的法律地位:兼论民事主体标准

“其他组织”作为一种社会存在，在当前的经济生活中发挥着日益重要的作用，但是它的民事主体资格却迟迟得不到法律的承认。笔者通过对权利能力制度的考察，试图澄清存在于民事主体制度上的模糊认识，并提出民事主体的标准，进而提出我国的民事基本法律应当赋予“其他组织”以民事主体的地位。     

《黍离》修辞方法浅说

《诗经·黍离》运用了互文见义的修辞方式 ,以黍、稷的由长苗到抽穗到结实来表现时间从夏至秋的推移 ,从而体现出诗人行役之久、内心之苦。这种写作方法对后世诗文创作产生了积极影响     

Extending the rights of personhood,voice, and life to sensate others: A homology of right to life and animal rights rhetoric

This homological analysis argues that the right to life and animal rights movements share a number of rhetorical commonalities, despite their overtly ideological differences. Specifically, the movements employ the ideograph of “rights” that takes on the meaning of being, and unites the two movements through the common frameworks of personhood, voice, and sanctity of life. In turn, this connection demonstrates that opposing groups can mesh individual means into a joint rhetoric calling for the rights of the marginalized, sensate other. The essay concludes by exploring the ways in which such disparate movements might form a union to oppose a collective, anthropocentric establishment.     

人权教育:奠定现代公民社会的和谐基础——联合国《人权教学入门——中小学校的实践活动》述评

以联合国人权事务高级专员办事处编撰的《人权教学入门——中小学校的实践活动》为述评对象,提炼其理念、内容、话题和实施方式,特别讨论其中教师自身人权素养对学校人权教育具体实施所具有的直接影响;文章最后论述实施和创新人权教育中所特具的"中国问题",认为:看好中国人权理论和实践的发展前景——这是实施人权教育的基本前提;教育行政部门主导研制相应政策、法规条文和教学读物——这是实施人权教育的制度保障;学校努力营造校园人权文化氛围——这是实施人权教育的基础条件;教师对当前世界人权理念和现实的自觉体认——这是实施人权教育的本体要素。     

The Southern Manifesto: Massive Resistance,Growth Liberalism,and the Interpretation of Brown II

ABSTRACT

The United States Congress’ Southern Congressional Delegation promulgated the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto, on March 12, 1956. The Southern Manifesto was the South’s primary means to effectively delay implementation of public school desegregation as ordered by the United States Supreme Court decision, Brown v. Board of Topeka, Kansas (1954; as cited in Day, 2014). This essay places the desegregation of American public school system within the larger context of the time period in which it transpired, and explains how racial disparity in public education was perpetuated after the Jim Crow caste system was dismantled in the 1960s. Ironically, while de jure desegregation of American public schools was effectively accomplished by the early 1970s under the administration of President Richard M. Nixon, government spending during the era after World War II, perpetuated racial and economic disparity in America’s public schools that prevails up to the present day.     

Accelerated Christian Education: a case study of the use of race in voucher-funded private Christian schools

President Donald Trump has promised an expansion of voucher programs for private schools in the United States. Private Christian schools are likely beneficiaries of such an expansion, but little research has been conducted about the curricula they use or their suitability for public funds. This article describes and critiques the depiction of race in Accelerated Christian Education, a curriculum used in some voucher-funded schools in the United States, as well as in private schools in 140 countries. It employs content analysis and qualitative documentary analysis of the curriculum workbooks, and builds on Christian Smith and Michael Emerson’s theoretical framework of white evangelicals’ ‘cultural toolkit’ to explain the ideas about race in the curriculum. The paper finds that in addition to some overt racism, the system promulgates a worldview which does not have the capacity to recognize or oppose systemic injustice. It is argued that such a curriculum is not a suitable recipient of federal funding.