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1.
1868年的“明治维新”,不仅使日本进入了一个新的历史时期,也使日本的中国语教育走上了同政治挂钩的语言教学之路。近代日本中国语教育经历了三个阶段:第一阶段(1871~1885),从传统的南京语教育向北京官话教育转换的时期;第二阶段(1885~1918),同经济扩张和军事扩张紧密结合的时期;第三阶段(1918~1945),为建立“东亚新秩序”服务的时期。近代日本的中国语教育主要是作为日本对外侵略扩张的工具,同远东政治格局紧密相连,走上了歧路,世人应引以为训。  相似文献   

2.
9.11事件后地缘政治观的反思   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
地缘政治这一传统观念在经济全球化、政治趋向多极化的背景下,遇到了强有力的挑战。9.11事件后美国政府正在重构其地缘逻辑思维。适时提出“时缘政治”和“人缘政治”概念,全面审视世界政治格局。我国应从国家利益出发,积极重构地缘战略格局。  相似文献   

3.
论中学科学课中科学史的教育价值   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
科学是科学史的高度概括、结晶和升华,科学史是一种非常重要的教育资源,科学史的教育对于科学教育、创新教育和成才教育都有很好地推动和借鉴作用。尽管科学史的教育已逐渐引起了人们的注意,但人们对科学史教育价值的认识还存在着诸多偏差或不足。本在回顾与反思科学史教育的历史与现状的基础上,通过具体的教学案例阐秋了科学史的多维教育价值,同时对中学科学课程中加强科学史教育的可能性作了分析和论证。  相似文献   

4.
    
In August 2006, Australia's conservative prime minister John Howard convened a history summit in Canberra. The purported goal of the summit was the framing of a nationally-acceptable curriculum in Australian history. However, as this article suggests, Howard's hidden intention was to use the summit as a device for introducing a narrowly traditionalist syllabus that would be personally pleasing to the prime minister. As it happened, Howard's plan encountered resistance from members of the history education community and, after several diversions and alarms, was discarded when the conservative coalition government was defeated in the general election of November 2007. The author was closely involved in these proceedings and this article constitutes a contextualisd memoir of events.  相似文献   

5.
The paper explores the relationship between education reform and Intercultural Bilingual Education (IBE) for Bolivia's majority indigenous peoples, as this has evolved since the 1990s into the era of Evo Morales, Latin America's first indigenous president, elected in 2005. In order to bring out the significance of the new Education Bill awaiting approval in parliament since 2006, the paper examines in detail the recent historical relationship between education reform and IBE, the role of the country's indigenous social organisations in evolving this relationship, and the ideological underpinnings of the new education reform legislation.  相似文献   

6.
The two decades from 1950 to 1970 were a crucial period of educational reorganization in Malaysia that stemmed from the decolonization after the Second World War. This educational reorganization sought to address the perennial issue of nation building via educational language policy. The development of Chinese education was under severe threat as the British colonial government opted for a national school system that used English and Malay as the media of instruction in place of the segregated vernacular school system that had existed during the colonial period. Much to the relief of the Chinese, the national school system failed to materialize due to the lack of financial resources to reorganize the entire educational system. But the Chinese were unable to maintain the Chinese school system within the ambit of the national educational system advocated by the postcolonial Alliance government. The Alliance government had only allowed the Chinese to undergo Chinese education at the primary level. At the secondary level, it opted for a monolingual system of education based on Malay as the main medium of instruction in order to foster national integration through a common language. The Chinese had to switch to this medium of instruction if they wanted to remain in mainstream education. Such a system of transitional bilingual education was aimed at incorporating the Chinese into the nation building process.  相似文献   

7.
在历史教学中,乡土历史有着不可替代的特殊作用。本就如何发挥乡土历史的教育作用提出了见解。  相似文献   

8.
马克思主义理论和思想政治教育进入网络是一门全新的科学,面对信息网络化给“两课”教学提出的挑战和提供的机遇,应当建立一种与信息化、网络化发展趋势相适应的丰富而又发达的高校思想政治教育体系,加强网上马克思主义理论和思想政治辐射力量,更好地发挥网络化背景下“两课”的思想政治教育功能。  相似文献   

9.
    
The History Workshop movement took its stance on the democratisation of history making, becoming notorious for its exuberant gatherings and impassioned ‘histories from below’. At the centre of the early Workshop was the British historian Raphael Samuel, who has been described as the personification of its intellectual and ethical politics. This paper examines Samuel’s role in the Workshop arguing that his distinctive intellectual personality was critical in shaping its early form and ethos. Drawing on a biographical approach, it explores the development of this persona over the course of his formative years. It argues that Samuel’s life history provides an insight into the renewed appeal of libertarian ideas in post-war British radical political and educational thought and that as an individual he illuminates the application of these ideas to the social role of the historian-educator.  相似文献   

10.
浅谈高校C语言程序设计课程教学   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
C语言程序设计作为理工科专业基础课程开展已有很长时间,其中的问题和探讨不断。本文旨在指出C语言程序设计课程教学工作的不足之处,尤其是在开展多媒体教学和双语教学模式上的现状及其与C语言课程结合的优势,探讨此课程的现代教学方法等问题。  相似文献   

11.
    
Teach For America (TFA), an organization that places college graduates in urban and rural classrooms for two-year terms of service, is lauded by reformers who see its five-week summer training institute as evidence that teachers have little to learn before entering classrooms. Yet, while boosters see TFA as a radical alternative to traditional teacher education, a look at the evolution of their increasingly robust summer training model hardly affirms that perception. In fact, much of what is done in the summer institute parallels the work of traditional teacher education programs in the USA – a surprising state of affairs given the rhetoric of so many TFA supporters. This project traces the evolution of TFA’s summer training institute across two decades, highlighting the growing divide between TFA’s outward-facing image and its actual work. Framing TFA’s summer institute as a case study for examining the relationship between rhetoric and practice in education, the article raises broader questions about how the policy-making context affects the construction and perception of reality.  相似文献   

12.
This paper establishes and explains the important role of the Conservative Government of 1959–1964 in supporting the raising of the school leaving age in Britain from the age of 15 to 16. This was a significant and high-profile national issue that generated much educational, social and political debate around conflicting priorities during this period, and was emphasized in both the Crowther Report of 1959 and the Newsom Report of 1963. The Treasury was strongly opposed to the proposal due to its high financial cost. There was a large element of electoral opportunism involved in the Conservative Government’s approval of raising the school leaving age (ROSLA), announced in January 1964, but it also highlighted deeper complexities and reservations in Conservative attitudes to ROSLA as well as a long-term ambition to consolidate education as a Conservative issue.  相似文献   

13.
    
This article reflects on the desire to defend and claim public education amidst the educational policy effects of contemporary neoliberal politics. The defence of public education, from schools to higher education, undoubtedly provides a powerful counter-veiling weight to the neoliberal policy logic of education-as-individual-value-accrual. At a time of intense global policy reform centred on marketisation in education, the public education institutions of the post-war welfare state are often characterised as being lost, attacked, encroached upon and dismantled. In this paper, I contend it is important to avoid mobilising a memory of public educational pasts that do not account for their failings and inequalities. Turning to a historical engagement with the emergence of neoliberal politics, the paper explores how challenges and contestations surrounding ‘the public’ from multiple standpoints converged in the rise of neoliberalism. Recognition of these convergences and contestations, I suggest, assists to provide a more nuanced account of the relationship between neoliberal reform and the welfare state, and thus of the complex task of imagining, claiming and working towards a just and equitable public education.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

This article illustrates and discusses some elements of the problematique ‘Southern Europe’. The themes stressed include its configuration and the criteria for its conceptualisation. A number of ways to think about ‘Southern Europe are discussed – of course with particular emphasis on the development and theoretical elaboration of comparative education in these countries, as well as on the imbalances in the international debate. That debate is not merely contemporary: there are historical dynamics that have influenced the imbalances of power that were, and can now be, found in definitions of ‘Europe’ and what counted as its political, cultural, historical (and finally, economic) centre.

These complex themes – glossed over by hegemonic and ideological concepts such as the Global North and the Global South – include the territorial articulations of ‘Europe’; what counted and counts as ‘its centre’; the construction of ‘national states’; the changing valuations of ‘the national’; and the vital question of language. Overall, the crucial motif of the article is the ways in which all these themes are refracted and reflected in changing versions of what counts as, what is constructed as, ‘comparative education’.  相似文献   

15.
柯晓华 《职业技术》2006,(14):76-77
双语教学模式在理工科专业课程中开展已成为主流,本文旨在指出C语言程序设计课程纯母语教学模式的不足之处,分析双语教学模式的现状及其与C语言课程结合的优势,探讨此模式的理论基础和教学方法等问题,尝试为高校计算机专业课程开展双语教学提供一些新的思路。  相似文献   

16.
英国华文教育的发展经历了三个阶段:从20世纪50年代末以前的初步发展,到20世纪60年代初至80年代末形成的第一波热潮,再到20世纪90年代至今的新高潮。目前正面临着机遇与挑战并存的局面。英国华文教育的发展主要受到四大因素的影响:移民潮的涌入构成了英国华文教育两次跳跃发展的直接动因;英国政府语言政策的变革为华文教育的发展提供了政策空间;华人社会的倾力支持为英国华文教育的发展提供了原动力;香港政府的鼎力支持和祖国的繁荣昌盛为华文教育的发展提供了外部环境支撑。英国华文教育的未来变革应注重与主流学校的协调与耦合,以形成合力,相互促进,使华文教育既能满足英国经济与文化教育发展对汉语学习的需求,又能符合英国华人社会对华文教育的基本诉求。  相似文献   

17.
乡土史具有特殊的作用和功能,我国政府一直重视乡土史教学,取得了不少成绩但也存在不少问题。实施乡土史教育各级领导要足够重视,必须改革考试制度和教师评价标准。教师是实施乡土教育的主力军,课堂是实施乡土教育的主阵地。  相似文献   

18.
Antonio Gramsci and his concept of hegemony are often invoked in current debates concerning cultural imperialism, globalisation and global English. However, these debates are rarely cognizant of Gramsci's own university training in linguistics, the centrality of language to his writings on education and hegemony, or his specific engagement with language politics in his own day. By paying much greater attention to Gramsci's writings on language and education, this article attempts to lay the groundwork for an adequate approach to the current politics of global English.
While Gramsci may have left formal education and his studies in linguistics at Turin University as a young man to become a full time journalist and political activist, he certainly did not 'jettison' his study of language as is commonly implied. It has been widely accepted that Gramsci had an expansive conception of education which would curtail any suggestion that 'education' must be limited to formal schooling or university. Likewise, this article demonstrates the importance of Gramsci's lifelong analysis of language, its role in education and the development of hegemony. It argues that Gramsci's writings on language policy in Italy, specifically la questione della lingua [the language question] and his concern with linguistics, are an integral part of his approach to education and hegemony.  相似文献   

19.
20.
The widely reported economic divide between the richer eastern provinces and the poorer western provinces in China has an exact parallel in the development of basic education. As a result of geographical, historical and social factors the quality and management of the education system lags considerably behind the east coast.  相似文献   

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