3-min all-out effort on cycle ergometer is valid to estimate the anaerobic capacity by measurement of blood lactate and excess post-exercise oxygen consumption

The purpose of this study was to investigate the use of a single 3-min all-out maximal effort to estimate anaerobic capacity (AC) through the lactate and excess post-exercise oxygen consumption (EPOC) response methods (AC_{[La^?]+EPOCfast}) on a cycle ergometer. Eleven physically active men (age?=?28.1?±?4.0?yrs, height?=?175.1?±?4.2?cm, body mass?=?74.8?±?11.9?kg and ?O_2max?=?40.7?±?7.3?mL?kg^?1?min^?1), participated in the study and performed: i) five submaximal efforts, ii) a supramaximal effort at 115% of intensity of ?O_2max, and iii) a 3-min all-out maximal effort. Anaerobic capacity was estimated using the supramaximal effort through conventional maximal accumulated oxygen deficit (MAOD) and also through the sum of oxygen equivalents from the glycolytic (fast component of excess post-exercise oxygen consumption) and phosphagen pathways (blood lactate accumulation) (AC_{[La^?]+EPOCfast}), while during the 3-min all-out maximal effort the anaerobic capacity was estimated using the AC_{[La^?]+EPOCfast} procedure. There were no significant differences between the three methods (p?>?0.05). Additionally, the anaerobic capacity estimated during the 3-min all-out effort was significantly correlated with the MAOD (r?=?0.74; p?=?0.009) and AC_{[La^?]+EPOCfast} methods (r?=?0.65; p?=?0.029). Therefore, it is possible to conclude that the 3-min all-out effort is valid to estimate anaerobic capacity in physically active men during a single cycle ergometer effort.     

‘Second death’, or revival of the ‘third world’ in the context of neo‐liberal globalization

Abstract

This paper tries to analyze the historical change in the Third World in its emergent stage, in the authoritarian stage and in the current democratic stage and, thereafter, find a way to revive the Bandung spirit in the current globalization context. I define the Bandung spirit as one of a ‘non‐aligned self‐helped “organization against” the dominant powerful countries’; that is, spirit of ‘anti‐predominance’. This spirit has emerged on the base of such domestic orientation and realities as economic self‐reliance, nationally integrated political regime, convergence of the state and civil society around anti‐colonialism. However, according to intensification of the Cold War confrontation on the international level and its centrifugal influence, the early Third World changed to a ‘new’ authoritarian Third World. The Third World in this stage could be characterized by an exclusive authoritarian political regime, dependent‐developmentalist economic orientation and coercively repressed and mobilized, in the top‐down way, civil society. This authoritarian Third World began to be confronted with a strong struggle from the bottom for democratization. In order for democratization of the Third World to become its true revival in the context of globalization, the following tasks should be considered. First, the democratic Third World should be a great driving force for the institutionalization of the transnational public regulatory mechanism. Second, the democratic Third World countries try to go over a kind of ‘transformed’ dependent development strategy. Third, democratization should go along with recovery of political inclusiveness and openness of the state to civil society’s demands. Thereafter, I tried to construct globalist re‐interpretation of the Bandung, by way of conceptualizing the current globalization as imperial globalization, unlike the imperialist globalization which the historical Bandung wanted to confront. I argue that the Bandung spirit of collective self‐help organizations against the newly emerging dominant order should be revived in this worse imperial globalization context. In addition, I argue that a nationalist resistance is also one component of the multiple resistances in the current imperial globalization.     

Modernising gender,civilising sex: perverse imaginary in the state feminist politics of Liu Yu‐hsiu

Abstract

The gender sexual politics of Liu Yu‐hsiu has been pivotal in the hegemonic ascendancy of Taiwan state feminism in recent years. Through an examination of Liu’s psychoanalytically mediated essays of cultural criticism, this article traces the contour of Liu’s sexual imaginary within the context of 1990s feminist and queer politics. Liu’s modernising project of gender equality, I argue, upholds heterosexual monogamy as a feminist ideal that seeks to purge all the masculine ills, including perversion and promiscuity. Meanwhile, queers and prostitutes come to be figured as the very negativity that must be repressed. Yet, like the Lacanian Real, they impinge on the symbolic order that Liu ordains as they thwart her desire to civilise sex.     

Texts

Made in America: Immigrant Students in Our Public Schools. Laurie Olsen, New York: The New Press, 1997, 276 pages, $25.00 (hardcover), ISBN 1–5658–4400–9, and $14.95 (softcover), ISBN 1–5658–4471–8.

The Power of Their Ideas: Lessons for America From a Small School in Harlem. Deborah Meier, Boston: Beacon Press, 1995, 190 pages, $12.00 (softcover). ISBN 0–8070–3111–9.

Yesterday, Today & Tomorrow: Meeting the Challenge of Our Multicultural America & Beyond. Paul D. Christiansen and Michelle Young, San Francisco: Gaddo Gap Press, 1996, 376 pages, $29.95 (softcover). ISBN 1–8801–9218–7.     

Distributors and film critics: does it take two to Tango?

Previous literature has documented the impact of critics on audience choices of movies. We investigate three issues regarding professional critics in the motion picture industry. First we document whether and to what extent critics and their recommendations exhibit a statistical bias toward specific studios. We show that reviews by a number of critics are significantly affected by the film distributor’s identity. A second question is whether audiences are able to distinguish between biased and unbiased critics. We cannot support the view that audiences put less weight on the views of biased critics; in fact, they may listen to them more. Third, we try to characterize critics who are more prone to bias. Surprisingly, but in accord with reputation models, we find that more reputable critics may be more biased; in particular, critics based in L.A. tend to significantly prefer specific studios.