Changing Understandings of 'Public' and 'Private' in Higher Education: the United Kingdom Case

Where does higher education in the United Kingdom sit today in terms of the public–private distinction, and what does that distinction mean in the higher education context? This article considers these questions and related issues, noting how the particular example of the United Kingdom compares with other systems internationally. Following a historical exploration of the meaning of ‘public’, ‘private’ and other related terms, an examination is undertaken of their currency during the post‐war period in the UK higher education system. This is exemplified through an analysis of the two major British higher education reports of the last 50 years – the Robbins Report of 1963 and the Dearing Report of 1997. It is argued that the contemporary UK higher education system could be seen as suffering from the worst of both worlds, trapped between and suffering from the seemingly contrary pressures of privatisation and nationalisation.     

A Two-Year Program of Counselor Education

If school counseling is to be a career commitment, not a temporary or occasional assignment, the school counselor must possess some special expertise that enables him to make a unique contribution to the school. It follows that counselor educators should identify this special expertise as precisely as possible and then offer an instructional program designed to develop it. Since such special expertise is not likely to be acquired without extensive and intensive training, the instructional program will ordinarily require a minimum of two years of full-time study. This position paper elaborates the rationale for the above beliefs and attempts to suggest directions in which they may lead.     

Newborns' face recognition: role of inner and outer facial features

Existing data indicate that newborns are able to recognize individual faces, but little is known about what perceptual cues drive this ability. The current study showed that either the inner or outer features of the face can act as sufficient cues for newborns' face recognition (Experiment 1), but the outer part of the face enjoys an advantage over the inner part (Experiment 2). Inversion of the face stimuli disrupted recognition when only the inner portion of the face was shown, but not when the whole face was fully visible or only the outer features were presented (Experiment 3). The results enhance our picture of what information newborns actually process and encode when they discriminate, learn, and recognize faces.