The British State’s production of the Muslim School: A simultaneity of categories of difference analysis

Recently, national populist politics has been translated with the emergence of two overlapping narratives of Islamophobia and anti-EU immigration media discourses. Such discourses have been made highly visible in the increased spike in hate crimes that have been a hidden cost of the national(ist) debate about Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). This is the context in which we can trace a remarkable shift in the state representation of the schooling of the South Asian/Muslim community and the reclassification from promoting South Asians as central to the future of a modernised multicultural Britain (1970s) to positioning Muslims as a ‘suspect community’ (2020). This article unpacks two cultural moments in the critical exploration of the State production of the Muslim School within a post-Trojan Horse era. First, a national dominant image of the Muslim School operating within the State ascribed ‘no-go’ ethno-religious Muslim neighbourhoods, as a repository of regressive (extreme) Islamist religiosity; thus, reconstructing their religious belief as racialised identities, as they disconnect from British values. Second, the No Outsiders programme, with the accompanying framing of intolerant (Muslim) parents. In this case, the ensuing tension between ‘homophobic Muslims’ and ‘British values’ sets in place a homogenisation of differences. Deploying a simultaneity of categories of difference perspective, we address an underlying discursive re-politicising of South Asian ethnic communities as religious communities, which is resulting in a perpetual negotiation of the meanings attached to being Muslim. This will enable an international application of the article beyond the specific focus on the city of Birmingham, identified in the international media as the Jihadi capital of Europe.     

Turkish primary school teachers’ perceptions of school culture regarding ICT integration

The current study aimed at identifying Turkish primary school teachers’ perceptions of school culture regarding ICT integration in education. In addition, the current study was designed to investigate factors that might influence their perceptions. The participants were 1540 primary school teachers. The findings revealed that the teachers’ perceptions regarding school culture in both motivational and technical aspects were not positive. Gender, ownership of a personal computer, Internet access, professional experience, and weekly computer use seemed to play an important role in the perceived school culture regarding ICT integration in education.     

瑞典择校改革及其实效述评

瑞典1992年正式推行择校改革,家长和学生可以在本地区和地区以外的所有公立学校和独立学校中自由选择学校就读。实践表明,家长选择学校时更关心学校质量而非种族等其他与质量无关的因素,但择校客观上造成了学校学生种族构成的变化。瑞典择校激发了学校间的竞争,提高了整体的教育质量,鼓励了学校创新,但是也造成了学生和学校的分化。     

20世纪后半期世界性战争末起之原因浅析

20世纪后半期世界性战争末起之原因是多方面的，主要有:世界经济一体化趋势的空间发展；科学技术的高度发展；帝国主义国家对两次世界大战经验教训的总结和吸取；美苏两极世界格局的长期维持；第三世界的崛起和发展；世界民主化进程的发展等。探讨该问题对于反思过去，面对现实，展望未来具有重要的现实意义。     

Student perceptions of successful learning support for an international high school programme: a comparative case study in Turkey

Abstract

This study used comparative case study methodology to investigate student perceptions of different programmes that prepare them for a challenging high school education programme: the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme (IBDP). Given the benefits and challenges of the programme, educators and stakeholders want to ensure students feel ready to participate. In the literature, studies support that programmes such as the International General Certificate of Secondary Education and the International Baccalaureate Organisation’s Middle Years Programme prepare students for the IBDP; however, there is a need for students’ voices on how they perceive they are prepared through these programmes. This study investigated three different approaches to IBDP preparation by gaining student insights through a scaled-item questionnaire and interviews. Students identified experiences that gave them skills to monitor their learning and resources that motivated them to participate in an advanced upper-high school programme.     

毛泽东新民主主义文化思想论析

本文主要从创新、民族、科学、大众、建设等五个方面论述了毛泽东关于中国新民主主义文化的基本思想 ,说明这一思想对当今先进文化的建设仍然具有特殊的指导意义。同时 ,对孙中山和毛泽东的“文化立国”思想进行了比较。     

我国高等教育体制的供给效应分析

我国高等教育体制具有负供给效应，它的产生与高等教育体制中限制教育资源流，限制教育竞争，促使资源配置失调，压抑学校和教职工积极性，保护落后，导致资源浪费诸多因素的存在有关。高等教育体制负供给效应大大降低了高等教育的洪在供给能力，加剧了高等教育的供需制品，降低高等教育体制负供给效应和优化供给必须进行高等教育体制创新。     

AHP-绩效考核指标权重系数确定的有效方法

绩效考核中。确定指标权重系数的方法很多，层次分析法(AHP)简单易行且具有较高的准确性。运用AHP来确定权重。更能提高绩效考核的科学性和准确性。     

植酸的抗营养作用及钝化途径(综述)

本文综述了植酸的化学特性、植酸在常规饲料中的含量、植酸对动物的抗营养机理以及钝化植酸活性 ,提高饲料营养价值的途径。     

Boys Bonding: Same-sex friendship,the unconscious and heterosexual discourse

This article aims to explore some of the ways in which the cultural meanings and practices of gender, sexuality and relationships intersect with and are reworked in the same-sex friendships of children aged nine to eleven. Using material from an ethnographic study, it focuses on two boys, Ben and Karl, who identified themselves as best friends. The article argues that, while the boys clearly knew, positioned themselves in and deployed heterosexual discourse, their relationship to this was complex. In particular, they appeared to use it to distance themselves from the feminine and to build their friendship as a pleasurable, intimate and exciting space. The article uses psychoanalytic arguments to explore this material, tentatively suggesting that the boys' access to the cultural practice of 'best friendship' mobilised identifications that both reinforced conventional versions of heterosexual masculinity and questioned these. In particular, the article suggests that the boys' friendship may have involved 'over-inclusive' gender identifications - ones that indicate the existence of boyhood masculinities that are more capacious and flexible than those hegemonic in teenage and adolescent cultures.