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In summary, the Circle House Residential Treatment Program for abusive families did meet its goals of protection of the child without separation from the family. The program was also effective in making and executing permanent plans for children in a relatively short period of time, but at huge financial cost.Residential care tor abusive families may be feasible if planned for 12–18 families at a time, thus utilizing staff fully. Also, in the Circle House program the single-parent families were clearly able to utilize the program to deal with their child-care techniques. Because the program was primarily geared to improving child-rearing patterns, some fathers in two-parent families, who viewed themselves as only occasional disciplinarians, never really participated in the program. Some were successful in learning new techniques, others were not.Residential care may also be more feasible if utilized as a diagnostic and prognostic facility with enhanced opportunity for long-term relationships to be formed, rather than as a primarily treatment facility, with the expectation of improvement and “cure.” Treatment of abusive families then becomes long-term supportive care no matter how intense the initial intervention. Even with the multitude of services of Circle House at the beginning phase of diagnosis and treatment of a family, this does not reduce or remove the need for ongoing long-term services. The true results of present intervention will be measured in future generations. 相似文献
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Martin Francis 《The Urban Review》1990,22(2):115-129
The abandonment of a commitment to the achievement of social democratic consensus in the Thatcherite project and the emphasis on individualism and the market means that a new source of cultural hegemony has to be sought. It is being attempted by the inculcation of a particular form of nationalism using the family and schools as a vehicle. The exact parameters of what constitutes Britishness are achieved by the marginalization of groups and movements that threaten the particular Thatcherite model of the nation and the imposition of a limited, and racist, model of culture. Within education a struggle is developing over content as the government seeks to impose a National Curriculum that reflects its ideology while structural changes hasten the commodification of education. Both the curriculum and structural changes are likely to have a detrimental effect on black and working-class pupils. 相似文献
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Mark Wolery Carol Schroeder Catherine G. Martin Martha L. Venn Ariane Holcombe Jeffri Brookfield Kay Huffman Lucy A. Fleming 《Early education and development》1994,5(3):181-194
This report describes a mail survey of general early educators from Head Start, public school pre-kindergarten, public school kindergarten, and community preschool/child care programs. The purposes were to secure information about the availability of classroom activities and areas, and to obtain the respondents' perceptions of the ease with which activities and areas could be adapted to accommodate children with disabilities. Of the 893 mailed questionnaires, 483 (54.1%) were returned and coded. The respondents reportedly used a wide range of classroom activities and areas, and they rated those activities and areas as moderately easy to adapt. Also, respondents from mainstreamed programs used slightly more activities and perceived the activities as easier to adapt than did respondents from non-mainstreamed programs. The findings appear to indicate that placement of children with disabilities in segregated programs cannot be justified on grounds that integration will restrict the range of activities available to typically developing children, or on the grounds that the adaptations are perceived by program staff as too difficult to be accomplished. 相似文献
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This paper addresses the question of the extent to which there were improvements in equity in the patterns of participation of young people in higher education in Australia during the 1980s. Data from theYouth in Transition longitudinal surveys of Australian youth are used to assess the effectiveness of the Labor Government's equity initiatives since 1983 in this area. The conclusion is that participation by young people in higher education in Australia did generally become more equitable under Labor during the 1980s, though differences in higher education participation rates persisted between certain sub-groups of the population. 相似文献