Public libraries and blind people: what kind of relationship?

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CACREP Accreditation Intentions

The authors discuss results of a national survey, conducted by the AACD Committee for Standards Review, of counselor preparation programs regarding their intentions related to CACREP accreditation. Programs were separated into four groups: Group 1—programs that held CACREP accreditation; Group 2—programs with definite intentions of seeking CACREP accreditation; Group 3—programs that were uncertain whether they would pursue CACREP accreditation; and Group 4—programs that did not anticipate seeking CACREP accreditation. Data were analyzed for patterns of response across groups. Size and type of program and reasons central to program decisions concerning accreditation provided focus for the study. Implications of the findings are discussed.     

The politics of ‘lifelong learning’ in post‐1997 Hong Kong

This article is concerned with the politics of lifelong learning policy in post‐1997 Hong Kong (HK). The paper is in four parts. Continuing Education, recast as ‘lifelong learning’, is to be the cornerstone of the post‐Handover education reform agenda. The lineaments of a familiar discourse are evident in the Education Commission policy documents. However, to view recent HK education policy just in terms of an apparent convergence with global trends would be to neglect the ways in which the discourse of lifelong learning has been tactically deployed to serve local political agendas. In the second part of this paper, I outline what Scott has called HK’s ‘disarticulated’ political system following its retrocession to China and attempts by an executive‐led administration to demonstrate ‘performance legitimacy’—through major policy reforms—in the absence of (democratic) political legitimacy. Beijing’s designation of HK as a (depoliticized) ‘economic’ city within greater China must also be taken into account. It is against this political background that the strategic deployment of a ‘lifelong learning’ discourse needs to be seen. In the third section of this paper, I examine three recent policy episodes to illustrate how lifelong learning discourse has been adopted and has evolved to meet changing circumstances in HK. Finally, I look at the issue of public consultation. The politics of education policy in HK may be seen to mirror at a micro‐level, the current macro‐level contested interpretations of HK’s future polity.     

Experiencing inclusion within a Northern Ireland secondary school: the perspectives of migrant students from four European countries

The article focuses upon a small‐scale research project undertaken in a Northern Ireland secondary school. Using a questionnaire, the article explores the views of a sample of young people from four European countries who are enrolled at the school, regarding the school's inclusive policy and associated practices. In recent years, Northern Ireland has experienced a significant increase in the number of migrant families that have settled in the province; this has presented schools with a challenge as to how their policies on inclusion are capable of embracing the needs of students with different cultural experiences and expectations. It is apparent that the school has made a considerable investment to provide a positive experience for these students. Likewise, it is evident that there are both financial and staff development implications associated with creating an inclusive school culture.     

Civic and Citizenship Education in Israel

As distinguished from the formal, political science-oriented citizenship curriculum studied exclusively in secondary schools, civic education-learning develops throughout the young-mature citizen's life in Israel. The analysis of the role and learning of two primary civic myths--'Israel is a Jewish and a democratic state' and 'Israelis are Jews'--demonstrates how this learning takes place through 'formations' of hegemony such as the family, the media, civic militarism as well as through schools' statist and social curricula. Successes of civic education enable the civic myths to be vibrant, gestalt worlds of meaning for Jewish Israelis, and sites of resistance for ultra-orthodox Jewish as well as Palestinian citizens of Israel. On the other hand, as an ethnocracy, democracy in civic Israel is not a meaningful world of value but rather a means to manage political processes. Therefore, the Israel case study is insightful for understanding the limitations of civic and citizenship education that seeks to advance democratic-oriented values such as human rights, liberty, justice, tolerance, civility, coexistence, pluralism and an alternative concept of Israel as a civil society.     

Moral Law and Moral Education: Defending Kantian Autonomy

In this paper, I examine why Kantian ethics has had such a hard time of it. I look at readings of Kant's moral theory that have had great force in the 20th century and conclude that these have much to do with an ensuing confusion, which has led to charges of rigidity, formality and severity. Then I demonstrate that when we make moral judgements we rely heavily on the stock of rules, norms, duties and laws that is extant in our social life. We use these as frames that are already influential in the role and scope of our anticipated moral action. We deliberate primarily by forming a maxim (principle) that must have the consent of all. We do so only occasionally, as the existing stock of rules is already in operation, helping us to reject out-of-hand outlandish or egregious maxims. Finally, I discuss, in very cursory form, some educational approaches based on this way of conceiving Kantian moral theory.