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This study compared the physiological and anthropometric characteristics of specific playing positions and positional playing groups in sub-elite rugby league players. Altogether, 415 sub-elite rugby league players underwent measurements of standard anthropometry (body mass, height, sum of four skinfolds), muscular power (vertical jump), speed (10-m, 20-m, and 40-m sprint), agility ("L" run), and estimated maximal aerobic power (multi-stage fitness test). Props were significantly heavier and had a greater skinfold thickness than all other playing positions. Centres, fullbacks, and hookers were faster than props over 40 m. When the data were analysed according to positional commonality, props were taller, heavier, had a greater skinfold thickness, were less agile, and were slower over 10 m than all other positional groups. The hookers/halves and outside backs positional groups were significantly faster over 40 m than the backrowers and props positional groups. In addition, the hookers/halves and outside backs positional groups had significantly greater estimated maximal aerobic power than the props positional group. The results of this study demonstrate that few physiological and anthropometric differences exist among individual playing positions in sub-elite rugby league players, although props are taller, heavier, have greater skinfold thickness, slower 10-m and 40-m speed, less agility, and lower estimated maximal aerobic power than other positional groups. These findings provide normative data for sub-elite rugby league players competing in specific individual positions and positional playing groups.  相似文献   
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Using data on the ‘career’ paths of one thousand ‘leading scientists’ from 1450 to 1900, what is conventionally called the ‘rise of modern science’ is mapped as a changing geography of scientific practice in urban networks. Four distinctive networks of scientific practice are identified. A primate network centred on Padua and central and northern Italy in the sixteenth century expands across the Alps to become a polycentric network in the seventeenth century, which in turn dissipates into a weak polycentric network in the eighteenth century. The nineteenth century marks a huge change of scale as a primate network centred on Berlin and dominated by German-speaking universities. These geographies are interpreted as core-producing processes in Wallerstein’s modern world-system; the rise of modern scientific practice is central to the development of structures of knowledge that relate to, but do not mirror, material changes in the system.
David M. EvansEmail:
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John Forge 《Metascience》2017,26(3):425-428
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U Crazy     
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