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81.
Cara A. Finnegan 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2013,99(4):471-473
PREACH THE WORD OF GOD. By Frederick M. Morris. New York: Morehouse‐Gorham Co., 1954; 157 pp. $8.50. VARIETY IN YOUR PREACHING. By Lloyd M. Perry and Faris D. Whitesell. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1954; 211 pp. $2.50. MACLAREN'S SERMON OUTLINES. Selected and Edited by Sheldon B. Quincer. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1954; pp. 151. $2.50. HOW TO ATTEND A CONFERENCE. By Dorothea F. Sullivan. New York: The Association Press, 1954; pp. 61. $1.00. 相似文献
82.
Psychology of the Spoken Word. By Delbert Moyer Staley. Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1914. Pp. 370; cloth, $2.00; leather, $3.00. Famous Living Americans. Edited by Mary Griffin Webb and Edna Lenore Webb, Greencastle, Ind.: Charles Webb &; Co., 1915. Cloth, pp. 594. 相似文献
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Sedentary women (n = 92) classified as low (L), medium (M), and high (H) in baseline step counts and assigned to 10,000-step goal (TSG) and personal step goal (PSG) groups (within levels) were compared on goal attainment and step counts. A significant interaction for goal attainment, F(2, 86) = 4.51, p = .014, indicated that the L group was significantly less likely to meet the TSG than the M and H groups. Step counts increased after goal assignment, but not more for one group than the other. Results of this research support the previous finding that women with low baseline step counts are unlikely to meet a TSG, but a TSG does not result in lower step counts than a PSG. 相似文献
84.
The purpose of this study was to determine whether taking 10,000 steps in a day is equivalent to meeting the current minimum physical activity guidelines of accumulating at least 30 min of moderate physical activity (IMPA). Fifty-nine women ages 20-65 years wore a pedometer and accelerometer concurrently on their right hip for 1 day. There were no differences in the age, body mass index, or the amount of time the pedometers and accelerometers were worn between the 10K+ and the < 10K groups. The 10K+ group accumulated significantly more steps and minutes of MPA than the < 10K group (M = 13,084 steps, SD = 2,603 vs. M = 7,518 steps, SD = 1,956; and M = 62.1 min, SD = 27.7 vs. M = 38.8 min, SD = 18.9; p < .05). A 2 x 2 chi-square analysis demonstrated no difference between the proportions of 10K and < 10K participants who met the step goal, when all minutes of MPA accumulated throughout the day were considered (chi2 = 1.8, df = 1, p = .175). When only continuous bouts of MPA lasting > 5 min and > 10 min were considered, a significantly greater proportion of 10K participants met the current physical activity guidelines than the < 10K participants (chi2 = 11.5, df = 1, p = .001, and chi2 = 5.9, df = 1, p = .015, respectively). Our finding, suggest that individuals who accumulate 10,000 steps/day are more likely to meet the current physical activity guidelines by engaging in the length of bouts promoted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American College of Sports Medicine (Pate et al., 1995) and the US Surgeon General (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1996). However, the data also reveal that accumulating 10,000 steps/day does not guarantee meeting the guidelines in the bout lengths documented to confer the health benefits of physical activity. 相似文献
85.
This article examines one market-based intervention to combat gender discrimination in China, beauty brand SK-II’s #changedestiny campaign, and in particular an accompanying video, Marriage Market Takeover, which attempts to challenge the cultural stigma of “leftover women” (single women over 25). By mobilizing affect and highlighting the self-optimizing subject, SK-II, through the #changedestiny campaign, positions itself as a key instigator of women’s empowerment, and ultimately of not only familial, but also societal, change. In this regard, it follows the logic of what Banet-Weiser and Mukherjee (in Commodity activism: Cultural resistance in neoliberal times [NYU Press, 2012]) call commodity activism, or the merging of consumer behavior with efforts at social change within neoliberal brand culture. However, in a context we call “neo/non-liberal China,” modes of authoritarian and therapeutic governance intersect, and consumer subjects, not consumer citizens, are encouraged. We argue that through offering resistance to, and a resolution situated within familial relationships, the #changedestiny campaign does little to challenge the patriarchal “leftover women” discourse. We further argue that gender discrimination is raised in the #changedestiny campaign as a way to rationalize a neoliberal emphasis on consumption, self-care, and personal fulfillment, and that ultimately gender—as well as class—norms are reaffirmed despite the campaign’s efforts to promote meaningful social change. 相似文献