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Rebecca L. P. Jordan Justin Garwood Woodrow Trathen 《Learning disabilities research & practice》2019,34(4):185-193
In an era of teacher quality reforms, one overlooked area for assessing readiness for teaching is education majors’ self‐efficacy for teaching reading. This gap is unfortunate, as teaching reading is a common responsibility among general and special education teachers. In the current push for RTI—one in which more general education teachers are increasingly called upon to provide reading support to students with learning disabilities, in addition to the support received from special educators—it is important to determine preservice teachers’ self‐efficacy for teaching reading. Self‐efficacy is an important construct to consider as it is related to eventual teacher attrition. The purpose of the current study was to develop a scale to measure elementary and special education majors’ self‐efficacy for teaching reading. With a sample of 110 education majors, a three‐factor scale was developed and demonstrated strong psychometric properties. Implications for the future of teacher education programs are discussed. 相似文献
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Gena Nelson Kathleen Hughes Pfannenstiel Rebecca Zumeta Edmonds 《Learning disabilities research & practice》2020,35(1):14-24
Within a multitiered system of support (MTSS), students who struggle to learn mathematics often receive core instruction and supplemental intervention in different settings, with different teachers and different sets of curriculum materials, all of which can result in poor alignment. This curriculum crosswalk describes how three sets of materials commonly used to provide core instruction and intervention differ with regard to mathematics practices and vocabulary. The results indicate that there is little overlap among all three programs for the majority (n = 6) of the mathematics practices, and very little overlap in mathematics vocabulary (ranging from 6.3 to 24 percent). We also provide a set of research-based instructional recommendations intended to help teachers address gaps and improve alignment of core instruction and intervention. 相似文献
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Meagan M. Patterson Rebecca S. Bigler Erin Pahlke Christia Spears Brown Amy Roberson Hayes M. Chantal Ramirez Andrew Nelson 《Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development》2019,84(3):7-185
In this monograph, we argue for the establishment of a developmental science of politics that describes, explains, and predicts the formation and change of individuals’ political knowledge, attitudes, and behavior beginning in childhood and continuing across the life course. Reflecting our goal of contributing both theoretical conceptualizations and empirical data, we have organized the monograph into two broad sections. In the first section, we outline theoretical contributions that the study of politics may make to developmental science and provide practical reasons that empirical research in the domain of politics is important (e.g., for identifying ways to improve civics education and for encouraging higher voting rates among young adults). We also review major historical approaches to the study of political development and provide an integrative theoretical framework to ground future work. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems model as an organizing scheme and emphasizing social justice issues, we describe how factors rooted in cultural contexts, families, and children themselves are likely to shape political development. In the second section of the monograph, we argue for the importance and utility of studying major political events, such as presidential elections, and introduce the major themes, rationales, and hypotheses for a study of U.S. children's views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In addition, we apply a social-justice lens to political thought and participation, addressing the role of gender/sex and race/ethnicity in children's political development broadly, and in their knowledge and views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election specifically. In interviews conducted within the month before and after the election, we examined two overarching categories of children's political attitudes: (a) knowledge, preferences, and expectations about the 2016 election, and (b) knowledge and attitudes concerning gender/sex and politics, particularly relevant for the 2016 election given Hillary Clinton's role as the first female major-party candidate for the presidency. Participants were 187 children (101 girls) between 5 and 11 years of age (M = 8.42 years, SD = 1.45 years). They were recruited from schools and youth organizations in five counties in four U.S. states (Kansas, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington) with varying voting patterns (e.g., Trump voters ranged from 27% to 71% of county voters). The sample was not a nationally representative one, but was racially diverse (35 African American, 50 Latinx, 81 White, and 21 multiracial, Asian American, Middle Eastern, or Native American children). In addition to several child characteristics (e.g., age, social dominance orientation [SDO]), we assessed several family and community characteristics (e.g., child-reported parental interest in the election and government-reported county-level voting patterns, respectively) hypothesized to predict outcome variables. Although our findings are shaped by the nature of our sample (e.g., our participants were less likely to support Trump than children in larger, nationwide samples were), they offer preliminary insights into children's political development. Overall, children in our sample were interested in and knowledgeable about the presidential election (e.g., a large majority identified the candidates correctly and reported some knowledge about their personal qualities or policy positions). They reported more information about Donald Trump's than Hillary Clinton's policies, largely accounted for by the substantial percentage of children (41%) who referred to Trump's immigration policies (e.g., building a wall between the United States and Mexico). Overall, children reported as many negative as positive personal qualities of the candidates, with negative qualities being reported more often for Trump than for Clinton (56% and 18% of children, respectively). Most children (88%) supported Clinton over Trump, a preference that did not vary by participants’ gender/sex or race/ethnicity. In their responses to an open-ended inquiry about their reactions to Trump's win, 63% of children reported negative and 18% reported positive emotions. Latinx children reacted more negatively to the election outcome than did White children. Girls’ and boys’ emotional responses to the election outcome did not differ. Children's personal interest in serving as U.S. president did not vary across gender/sex or racial/ethnic groups (overall, 42% were interested). Clinton's loss of the election did not appear to depress (or pique) girls’ interest in becoming U.S. president. With respect to the role of gender/sex in politics, many children (35%) were ignorant about women's absence from the U.S. presidency. Only a single child was able to name a historical individual who worked for women's civil rights or suffrage. Child characteristics predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, older children showed greater knowledge about the candidates than did younger children. Family and community characteristics also predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, participants were more likely to support Trump if they perceived that their parents supported him and if Trump received a greater percentage of votes in the children's county of residence. Our data suggest that civic education should be expanded and reformed. In addition to addressing societal problems requiring political solutions, civics lessons should include the histories of social groups’ political participation, including information about gender discrimination and the women's suffrage movement in U.S. political history. Providing children with environments that are rich in information related to the purpose and value of politics, and with opportunities and encouragement for political thought and action, is potentially beneficial for youth and their nations. 相似文献
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Courses: This teaching unit is for intercultural communication but could be used for any course related to globalization, including public speaking, popular culture and communication, or environmental communication. Additionally, the teaching unit is well-suited for other disciplines, including geography, environmental studies, and global studies.
Objectives: Students trace the manufacturing origins of their belongings in order to analyze their connections with other countries through plotting them on a world map. Students research economic, cultural, and/or political globalization of one or two countries plotted on their map in order to consider how to practice ethical consumption. 相似文献
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One aspect of lesbian/gay-parented families that merits attention is the coming out of the parents to their children. In the present study, we extended the current literature by exploring both the emotional and verbal responses of children who find out their parents are lesbian/gay. Findings showed that, while participants experienced a combination of negative, neutral, and positive reactions to learning about their parents’ sexual orientation, verbal reactions were limited to supportive messages and information seeking. Practical implications for lesbian/gay parented families and practitioners are included. 相似文献
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The Mantel-Haenszel approach for investigating differential item functioning was applied to U.S. history items that were administered as part o f the National Assessment o f Educational Progress, On some items, blacks, Hispanics, and females performed more poorly than other students, conditional on number-right score. It was hypothesized that this resulted, in part, from the fact that ethnic and gender groups differed in their exposure to the material included in the assessment. Supplementary Mantel-Haenszel analyses were undertaken in which the number o f historical periods studied, as well as score. was used as a conditioning variable. Contrary to expectation, the additional conditioning did not lead to a reduction in the number o f DIF items. Both methodological and substantive explanations for this unexpected result were explored. 相似文献