Corporal punishment in schools: myths, problems and alternatives

In many countries, corporal punishment of school children continues to be an officially or unofficially sanctioned form of institutional child abuse. Continuing support for the use of corporal punishment is related to the following factors: (1) widely held beliefs regarding the effectiveness of corporal punishment, (2) an unawareness of problems resulting from the use of physical punishment, and (3) a lack of knowledge about effective disciplinary alternatives. The purpose of this paper is threefold: One is to show that many of the beliefs are myths, e.g., corporal punishment is not needed to build character. The second purpose is to show that physical punishment can lead to more problems than it appears to solve, e.g., the punitive teacher is avoided, and thus, is not a positive factor in the child's education and development. The third purpose is to discuss two types of alternatives to punishment, the social learning approach and communication skills training. These positive methods of discipline not only enhance classroom behavior, but also facilitate learning. In an atmosphere free of abusing and demeaning acts and in a classroom characterized by positive mutual regard, teachers can maximize their effectiveness as teachers and students can maximize their effectiveness as learners.     

Responding to abuse: Children's experiences of child protection in a central district,Uganda

Part of a comprehensive response to violence against children involves child protection systems, but there are few data available on such systems in low-income countries. This study describes the characteristics and help seeking behavior of children referred to local child protection services and the quality of the first-line response in one district in Uganda. Participants included 3,706 children from 42 primary schools who participated in a baseline survey on violence as part of the Good Schools Study (NCT01678846, clinicaltrial.gov). Children who disclosed violence were referred according to predefined criteria based on the type, severity, and timeframe of their experiences. Children were followed up to 4 months after the study ended. First-line responses by receiving agencies were classified into 3 categories: plan for action only, some action taken, and no plan and no action taken. Appropriateness of responses was based on which agency responded, timeliness of the response, quality of the documentation, and final status of the case. From the baseline survey, 529 children (14%) were referred. Girls were more likely to be referred and to meet the criteria for a serious case (9% girls, 4% boys). In total, 104 referrals (20%) had some kind of concrete action taken, but only 20 (3.8%) cases met all criteria for having received an adequate response. Nearly half (43%) of referred children had ever sought help by disclosing their experiences of violence prior to the baseline survey. In our study areas, the first-line response to children's reports of abuse was poor even though some referral structures are in place.