美国公共图书馆发展的社会历史条件探析(1850-1900)——解读《民主文化的武器(Arsenals of A Democratic Culture)》

主要针对1850-1900年美国公共图书馆发展的社会历史条件做出了相关解析。阐述了1850-1900年美国公共图书馆发展的文化、经济以及政治民主的社会背景;认为美国公共图书馆发展的社会历史条件主要有图书馆法律的建立、人道主义精神的支持、慈善力量的资助及其他社会历史条件。并认为美国公共图书馆发展的社会历史条件与美国民主社会发展息息相关。     

没有民主的教育,就没有“占领华尔街运动”

"占领华尔街运动"起源于公众对社会分配不公、华尔街左右政治等现状的不满,由具有民主意识和能力的美国公民发起。而这些公民的民主意识和能力实际上得益于近百年来的美国民主教育。没有民主的教育,就没有"占领华尔街运动"。教育在社会民主化进程中的作用在当代依然具有现实意义和价值。     

Managing Health Care in Oregon: The Search for a Civic Bioethics

Managed health care deliberations in Oregon point to a "civic bioethics" model to resolve allocation issues through publicly articulated community values and priorities that influence legislative action. Communication practices in the Oregon experiment provide data to develop an evaluative framework to assess public moral deliberation in value-laden contexts such as health care distribution. The Oregon experience also points to dialogical virtues to heighten citizens' ethical sensibilities and political will, discursive tools to inform ethical communication practices in a civic bioethics model.     

Teachers' democratic and efficacy beliefs and styles of coping with behavioural problems of pupils with special needs

This study examines how teachers actually cope with behavioural problems of included students. In order to understand the impact of individual differences on teachers' coping strategies, the authors looked at the relationship between these strategies and teachers' democratic beliefs and self‐efficacy. Participants were 33 teachers in Israel, who teach inclusive classes (1st–3rd grade). Data were collected through classroom observations, teacher interviews and questionnaires. In the interviews, teachers reported that they preferred helpful strategies as a solution to behavioural problems; however, classroom observation revealed that teachers actually used more restrictive responses. These results indicated that there is a gap between teachers' hypothetical knowledge and their applications of this knowledge in authentic classroom situations. In addition, positive correlations were found between teachers' democratic beliefs, teacher efficacy and the use of helpful strategies in regard to different behavioural problems. Practical implications for teacher education are discussed.     

The Populist Chameleon: The People's Party,Huey Long,George Wallace,and the Populist Argumentative Frame

This essay argues that a sustained form can be located in the complicated history of populist rhetoric. Despite its chameleonic qualities, the advancement of populism is constituted by alterations in the focus and content, not the structure, of populist activism. This structure, or what I term its argumentative frame, positions a virtuous people against a powerful enemy and expresses disdain toward traditional forms of democratic deliberation and republican representation. I trace these themes through the rhetoric of the People's Party, Huey Long, and George Wallace. I conclude by analyzing the link between populism's persistence in U.S. history and the nation's Founding.     

Uncivil Speech: Invective and the Rhetorics of Democracy in the Early Republic

Robert Owen's “Declaration of Mental Independence,” declaimed on the Fourth of July, 1826, was one of the most ill-received speeches in the early Republic. The attendant controversy provides an opportunity to theorize invective's role in democratic culture. Invective was useful in the early Republic, and continues to be useful today, because it is both constitutive of national identity and a curative rhetoric for managing cultural anxiety. However, there are limits to what invective can achieve, and invective's place in democracy is consequently ambivalent. Rather than curing democratic anxiety, invective tends to perpetuate it, disrupting democracy's emphasis on controlled conflict and pushing it ever closer to violence.     

试析民主社会党参加伪国大的原因

1946年7月3日,蒋介石政权违反政协决议,单方面决定于11月12日召开国民大会。对此,成立于1946年8月中旬的中国民主社会党开始时和民盟站在一起公开表示反对,但到伪国大召开前夕,民社党又一改初衷,宣布有条件地参加。民社党之所以最终决定有条件地参加由国民党一手包办的伪国大是由民社党的政治主张、民社党人对国民党政权仍存有幻想及缺乏政治斗争经验、张君劢个人等因素综合作用的结果。     

战后美国两党意识形态上的分歧与共识

在意识形态领域,战后美国两党主流分别代表新自由主义和新保守主义。二者之间的根本分歧源于对西方价值体系中自由和平等以及民主内部固有的深刻矛盾的认识不同。民主党重平等,而共和党重自由,由此导致两党在社会政治、经济、文化生活、道德领域乃至国际事务领域均持不同态度。两党意识形态上的共识主要体现为两党在基本的民主价值问题、社会经济和福利政策、外交政策等领域存在广泛的一致性。近年来,随着社会政治经济形势的变化,两党共识增多,"意识形态淡化"等论调开始盛行。     

西南联大办学成功的原因探析

日寇入侵平津,北大、清华和南开迁昆联合办学,坚持民主治校,大师云集,教学科研并重,坚持高门坎、严要求。联大在近9年期间,创造出非凡业绩。     

中国人民大学与建国初高校"新民主主义论"、"中国革命史"课程的开设

在建国初期全国高校"新民主主义论"和"中国革命史"等政治理论课的开设过程中,中国人民大学以其特殊的理论基地地位和影响,在课程的规划设计、组织培训、教材编写和教学示范等各个方面,都曾发挥过不可替代的重要作用。对这一历史作用的揭示,与对建国初该门课程的开设及其变动情形的考察是密不可分的。