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41.
This paper explores and conceptualizes the process through which expatriates acculturate to the politics of an organization in a new and dominant culture that differs from their origin culture. In addition to an overview of acculturation, we review research on the emergence and perception of political context in organizations, and on political skill and political will. We posit that politically-relevant situational characteristics in organizations and work interact with national culture to affect the intensity with which expatriates perceive politics in their organization. Based on their political skill (operationalized as high versus low) and their political will (operationalized in terms of concern for self versus concern for others), we describe the different political behavior expatriates will use as a means of acculturating to their political context and the effects those strategies have on their acculturative stress and individual effectiveness in the organization.  相似文献   
42.
Going beyond the traditional socioeconomic status model of political participation, this study examines pathways that lead to the sociopolitical incorporation of immigrants in the USA, with a focus on the role of communication socialization agents. Using a Current Population Survey sample of 7,626 first-generation immigrants in the USA, results show that communication socialization agents significantly contribute to immigrants’ political socialization, and an important mediating path translates political learning into greater political engagement. Results also identify ethnic differences in how socialization variables affect immigrants’ socialization.  相似文献   
43.
Political correctness defines stereotypes as inappropriate to communicate. However, responses that interpersonally communicated stereotypes receive in conversation may collaboratively produce a different meaning about the appropriateness of stereotype use. The current research reports two studies that explore responses to interpersonally communicated stereotypes and the role these responses play in the perpetuation of stereotypes. This project contributes qualitative research in intercultural communication that exposes a variety of tolerant response types available to communicators and demonstrates how these responses are managed interactionally in ways that show tolerance for communicated stereotypes.  相似文献   
44.
Ambassadors and embassies were numerous between Byzantium and its Muslim and Western Christian neighbours during the Middle Byzantine Period. This article seeks to demonstrate that these official envoys constituted major players involved in the transfer of political information between the courts considered. Ambassadors were those who travelled the most in the Mediterranean area during our period – at least between 700 and 900. Furthermore, as official envoys acting for sovereigns, they were carefully listened to by those sovereigns when they returned. Information coming from ambassadors is found in various sources and concerned military matters and foreign policy. But we also find precise data on domestic affairs and internal political information. Furthermore, news of usurpations and troubles in Byzantium may have constituted an important part of the information transferred beyond the Empire. Foreign ambassadors witnessed usurpations and palace revolutions. Their testimonies could have nourished the idea of a Byzantine government weakened by political instability and this theme became prominent during the twelfth century in some Western Christian courts.  相似文献   
45.
始终代表中国先进文化的前进方向,是江泽民"三个代表"思想中非常重要而又富有新意的内容.按先进文化的要求搞好党的建设,对于保持我们党的先进性,搞好社会主义精神文明建设,促进社会全面进步,具有极其重要的意义.本文结合改革开放以来我国思想文化战线出现的实际情况,就如何坚持正确的舆论导向,弘扬民族传统文化方面,提一些粗浅看法.  相似文献   
46.
在政治文化的规约下,媒介伦理规范的功利化、媒介伦理评价的政治化、媒介伦理内涵的人品化,成为清末政论报人媒介伦理观的基本特征。其问题,如媒介伦理本体价值的缺乏、媒介伦理建设上社会性资源的缺失,均可从政治文化层面得到独到的解释。  相似文献   
47.
This essay examines the fundamentals of the Byzantine and Muslim political discourses during the period of the Crusades by analyzing a common political trope, the concept of Western pride and arrogance. The principal argument is that the seemingly stable categories of Eastern political propaganda obscure a massive discursive shift. At the beginning of their encounter with the Latin Christians both Byzantines’ and Levantine Muslims’ discourses on power and their place on the international stage were hegemonical, exclusive and self-referential. Towards the end of the Crusading period and under the steady pressures of Western practices, both societies’ political discourses came to accept as legitimate principles of international politics—such as power as a claim rather than a right, relations based on contract, territoriality and legitimacy of secular rule—that have long been the staple of Western conceptualization of politics, but were initially seen as utterly alien by Byzantines and Levantine Muslims.  相似文献   
48.
目前我国高校的"两课"存在诸多问题:学生多元化的需求无法得到满足;教师一言堂式的教学方法难以改变;学校形式上的重视带来许多尴尬。文章从办学制度、教学手段等方面来探究"两课"教学的新途径。  相似文献   
49.
辅导员是大学生政治思想教育和日常管理工作的主要承担者,在高职教育中肩负着重要责任,他们素质的高低、力量的强弱,直接影响和决定着高职院校学生思想政治教育效果的优劣、成败。  相似文献   
50.
高校网络文化建设:强化大学生思想政治教育的新途径   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
网络已经成为我国年轻人尤其是当代大学生获取信息的一个主要途径,网络文化对大学生的思想成熟发挥着潜移默化的作用。只有掌握网络舆论的主导权,把高校网络建设成为传递先进文化的阵地,才能有效加强大学生思想政治教育,保证教育围绕着有持久文明价值和先进文明价值的元素展开。  相似文献   
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