舆论引导：《云南日报》滇缅抗战新闻报道的议程设置策略

一直以来,学术界对于滇缅抗战研究的重视度远低于国内抗日战场,且角度较为单一。从民国时期《云南日报》的相关新闻报道出发,用新闻传播学的视野来观察新闻报道历史文本,探讨该报关于滇缅抗战新闻报道的议程设置策略对当今多元化思潮背景下主流意识形态如何引导舆论、掌握话语主导权的启示。     

大战中的热烈与冷静——民初十年《东方杂志》民族主义观评析

1912-1922年间,杜亚泉为代表的知识分子群体以《东方杂志》为舞台,集中地表达了他们的民族主义思想。他们倡导的和平、民主、文化的国家主义思想有合理可贵的积极价值,是中国现代民族主义思想史上的重要资源。     

论抗战时期张闻天对三民主义的研究

孙中山的三民主义,在抗战时期成为以国共合作为基础的抗日民族统一战线的政治基础。然而,即使在国民党一大孙中山重新解释的新三民主义中,也还包含有旧三民主义的内容,从而形成新旧内容杂陈、进步交保守并存的现象。这就给他身后的解释者们以各择所需、各唱各调的可能性。毛泽东号召共产党员应该如像他们研究共产主义一样,好好研究三民主义。张闻天关于三民主义发展性、真假三民主义等的研究,是抗战时期思想理论战线和抗日救亡的迫切需要,其研究成果,对以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人在抗战时期形成关于孙中山三民主义的认识体系做出了重要的贡献。     

邵力子与第二次国共合作

邵力子是中国现代史上一位著名的民主人士。在第二次国共合作期间,他以民族利益为重,提出了各种正确主张,积极促进国共合作关系的建立,在西安事变和国共谈判等事件中发挥了较大的作用。他的所作所为推动了抗日民族统一战线的形成和发展。     

略论李烈钧的抗日主张

“九·一八”事变后,由于南京国民政府奉行不抵抗政策,日本侵略者气焰更加嚣张。这时李烈钧便提出“开放政权”、“实行民治”、“内部一致”、共同抗日,以及挽救民族危亡的主张,并向政府与蒋介石对日侵略所采取的态度和政策提出了批评。     

援越抗美时期中国外交战略调整

20世纪60年代到70年代的越南战争期阃,中美苏三国的关系随着国际形势和国际利益的变化而不断变化。中国抗美援越是继抗美援朝后的又一次与美国进行非直接的军事较量．但在这场战争中．中国站在国家利益的高度。以更加务实的态度处理外交事务．维护国家安全利益．本文拟以越战为背景来审视中国外交走向。     

Wartime imaginings of an archipelagic community: Fajar Asia and the quest for peninsula Malayan and Indonesian unity

During a brief period in the Japanese occupation of Southeast Asia, Malaya, including Singapore, was administratively placed with Sumatra under Japan’s 25th Army. From 28 March 1942 to April 1943, the two territories that had been separated by British and Dutch colonial rule since the mid-nineteenth century were considered one territory. This article explores how Malay intellectuals, through articles written in the magazine Fajar Asia, took advantage of this unprecedented opportunity to strive for a Malaya-Sumatra and Malaya-Indonesia community. This article will analyse the various wartime imaginings of a joint archipelagic community within the pages of Fajar Asia and highlight tensions within this project which resulted in an impasse as to how such a unity should or could be achieved.     

Learning the American Way: Sports International and American Soft Power

Abstract

From 1962 to 1968, the United States Government along with private entities funded the training of athletes from developing nations through a non-profit organization named Sports International. Led by former Peace Corps member David Dichter, Sports International sought to enhance America’s image in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. The initial aim of the programme was to train athletes to compete at the 1964 Olympic Games in Tokyo. The theory behind Sports International centred on the notion that helping developing nations achieves athletic success would influence them to view the United States more favourably. The idea to form Sports International came in the midst of the Cold War as the United States and the Soviet Union battled on a multitude of fronts. This article argues that American leaders worried about the presence of the Soviet Union in developing countries and sought ways to maximize American influence in those areas. The theory of soft power, a concept most prominently explicated by American international relations theorist Joseph Nye, forms the framework for this study. By analysing Sports International through this lens, this article demonstrates several problems which might ensure should one overemphasize the effect of sport on a nation’s soft power.     

Global solidarity against unilateralism

Abstract

The 1955 Bandung Conference was a crucial moment in the history of the former colonial states of Asia and Africa. The Bandung Spirit that came out of it was a strategic foundation for building solidarity and cooperation among nations. The Cold War period and its aftermath, however, indicate that the Bandung spirit was in decline. Meanwhile, the United States, which had intended to unilaterally disrupt the Bandung Conference, continues to conduct unilateral actions in pursuit of its hegemonic interests. Along this line, the United Nations has often been bypassed by the US and other powerful nations in their unilateral initiatives. In response to this situation, it is important to rekindle the Bandung Spirit and to struggle for the democratization of international relations. In today’s context the struggle should be focused on three areas, namely the democratization of world politics, world economy, and the United Nations.     

The camera in pain: memories of the Cold War in East Asian independent documentaries

Abstract

This article begins with a discussion of the changing topography of cultural production in East Asia over the last 25?years, especially as it concerns the genre of independent documentary film, and then it turns to three independent documentaries filmed in Japan and North Korea, South Korea and Japan, and China, respectively: Yang Yong-hi's Dear Pyongyang (2005 Dear Pyongyang. 2005. Directed by Yang Yong-hi. Busan International Film Festival. [Google Scholar]), Mun Jeong-hyun's Grandmother's Flower (2007 Grandmother's Flower. 2007. Directed by Mun Jeong-hyun. Busan International Film Festival: [Google Scholar]), and Wang Bing's He Fengming: A Chinese Memoir (2006). Erased from the official historical record and excluded from public commemoration, the alternate history of pain traced by these documentaries resubmits the Cold War to examination from deep inside its most private wounds. In the process, the filmmakers encounter not only the memories of the earlier generation that lived through the most violent episodes of the Cold War, but also come to question their own history and identities within the process of the Cold War's decomposition.