Initiatives and Referenda in Michigan: A Research Guide

SUMMARY

Initiatives and referenda are a key part of the democratic process in Michigan, but they are one of the most difficult types of legal materials to research. This guide provides an overview of the history of the I&R process in Michigan, a general outline of how the process works, and a selected list of resources, both primary and secondary, that provide valuable information for researchers seeking to explore this important part of Michigan's legislative system.     

简论选举运动在土地革命战争中的重大作用

从 1931年冬到 1933年冬 ,中央苏区连续举行了三次大规模的选举运动。这些选举运动 ,对于中国共产党领导的土地革命战争 ,有着十分重大的作用 ,它不仅为红军开辟了源源不断的兵源 ;而且提高了人民的民主觉悟 ,净化了苏维埃的干部队伍 ,并有力地推动了苏区经济的发展。     

村级民主选举“贿选”探析

在村民委员会竞争性选举中,"贿选"现象愈演愈烈。农村选举中存在的"贿选"问题,妨碍了农村优秀人才的选拔,败坏了农村社会风气,制约了农村经济的发展,阻碍了农村民主进程,已成为农村基层民主发展的一大障碍。"贿选"问题倘若处理不当,极易形成危害农村社会的不稳定因素。村委会"贿选"主要有地域差异性、形式多样性、主体团队性、手段隐蔽性等特征,文章通过分析"贿选"产生的原因,提出了治理"贿选"的对策,认为从法律界定、理顺乡镇府与村委会关系、规范村委会民主选举程序等方面采取措施可以有效遏制"贿选"现象的蔓延。     

Predicting elections from social media: a three-country,three-method comparative study

ABSTRACT

This study introduces and evaluates the robustness of different volumetric, sentiment, and social network approaches to predict the elections in three Asian countries – Malaysia, India, and Pakistan from Twitter posts. We find that predictive power of social media performs well for India and Pakistan but is not effective for Malaysia. Overall, we find that it is useful to consider the recency of Twitter posts while using it to predict a real outcome, such as an election result. Sentiment information mined using machine learning models was the most accurate predictor of election outcomes. Social network information is stable despite sudden surges in political discussions, for e.g. around elections-related news events. Methods combining sentiment and volume information, or sentiment and social network information, are effective at predicting smaller vote shares, for e.g. vote shares in the case of independent candidates and regional parties. We conclude with a detailed discussion on the caveats of social media analysis for predicting real-world outcomes and recommendations for future work.     

Perceived negative political climate among Hispanic/Latino adolescents before and after the 2020 U.S. presidential election: Associations with internalizing symptoms and substance use

The political climate often changes following the installment of a new president. This volatility presents opportunities for examining how elections might affect vulnerable subgroups such as Hispanic/Latino (HL) adolescents. The present study explored the perception of negative political climate among HL adolescents before and after the 2020 U.S. presidential election and its association with internalizing symptoms and substance use. We conducted the study in Los Angeles and Miami between 2020 and 2021, with a sample of 304 HL adolescents (Females = 60.8 %), aged 15.3 years on average. Participants completed measures of negative political climate (pre- post-election) and measures of depressive symptoms, anxiety, substance misuse, and substance use intentions after the election. We used paired tests and linear mixed-effects modeling to explore changes in perceived negative climate before and after the election. Structural equation modeling was used to determine predictors of negative political climate and its associations with internalizing symptoms and substance use. Results indicated that following the election negative political climate increased significantly in Miami and among Cuban-origin adolescents but not in Los Angeles or among Mexican-origin adolescents. Pre-election perceived negative political climate was significantly predicted by gender, study site, and mother’s nativity. Pre-election negative political climate predicted post-election internalizing symptoms and substance use intentions indirectly through post-election negative political climate. HL youth’s perceived political climate is a complex construct that might vary across different sociopolitical contexts and populational sub-groups. Exploring variations in politically-based cultural stressors and their role as mental health and substance use risk factors is crucial to addressing HL disparities.     

西方政党冲突形态

政党冲突是冲突政治学理论的重要组成部分,目前还未成为一个独立的研究领域,人们只是在探寻政治冲突类型时才涉及到政党冲突问题,我们在这里提出这个问题,目的在于引起人们的关注。论文在整理、归纳李普塞特相关论述的基础上,通过作者独特的视角将其整合为一个新的分析路径,这个新的分析方法就是冲突视角,并将冲突视角扩展到政党生活的所有领域。本文分析了政党冲突与组织过程,总结了政党的冲突和整合双方面的力量,并对选举博弈规则进行了详细的探讨。     

留学生与国立中央研究院（1928-1949）

国立中央研究院是近代中国第一个全国性的最高学术研究机构,其成立标志着中国近代有系统的科学研究事业的开端。从其1928年正式成立到1949年迁台未果,在这20余年间,归国留学生为其做了大量工作。从最初的拟议、筹备到成立后初期的运行发展,蔡元培院长、杨铨和丁文江等总干事以及担任筹备委员的众多归国留学生积极为其出谋划策,使其在短时期内初具规模,并取得了许多引人注目的成绩。抗战期间,留学生们更是义不容辞地担负起保护各研究所仪器设备的责任。抗战胜利后,以留学生为主体的评议员积极筹划第一届院士的选举,为其顺利进行立下了汗马功劳。中央研究院形成了一套比较完整的组织、管理体系,取得了丰硕的科研成果,这为新中国的科学发展奠定了坚实的基础,提供了宝贵的经验。留学生们不仅把西方科学移植到中国,而且把西方研究科学的机构体制也移植到国内,对近代中国科学事业的发展贡献突出。     

村组合并背景下组合竞选制的张力与调适

村组合并一定程度地改变了村委会选举的政治生态。不同村委会选举模式的适应性和承受力不尽相同。相比较而言,村委会"组合竞选制"更具张力弹性。为了适应村委会选举生态的改变,村委会组合竞选制在提名、候选人的审查、组合等环节和程序上需要进行调适和改进。     

欧洲大学校长选拔制度与治理结构

欧洲西班牙、瑞士、意大利和英国的大学校长选拔制度特色明显。几乎所有大学的校长都由全校师生通过直接或者间接的方式选举产生,政府只是履行批准任命手续。选举坚持尊重教师意志、公开透明、充分竞争等原则,具有较为严格的制度基础和程序规范。大学校长在任期内的职权和责任比较明确。大学议会、董事会、学术委员会等内部管理体制和机制保障大学校长既能够充分行使职权,又能够承担相应的责任。     

试析小泽新党的政治影响与发展空间

日本野田政府的增税法案及核电政策,令民主党的支持率继续下降,不仅国民反对野田,民主党内部也是批评之声不断,在与野田交涉无果之后,小泽一郎再次选择了离党出走的惯用手段,另立新党“国民生活第一党”,虽然民主党在小泽离开后更加趋向统一,但是损失了50名议员,国会运营难度增大,内阁随时有被反对党推翻的可能．另外,由于小泽离党时机不佳,个人的财务、婚姻等方面的丑闻接连被曝光,加之竞选资金短缺、支持率低迷,外界对小泽新党的未来并不看好,甚至预测小泽在走投无路时有可能会重返民主党。