全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3214篇 |
免费 | 22篇 |
国内免费 | 14篇 |
专业分类
教育 | 2574篇 |
科学研究 | 160篇 |
各国文化 | 65篇 |
体育 | 88篇 |
综合类 | 157篇 |
文化理论 | 4篇 |
信息传播 | 202篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 31篇 |
2020年 | 35篇 |
2019年 | 36篇 |
2018年 | 30篇 |
2017年 | 45篇 |
2016年 | 50篇 |
2015年 | 71篇 |
2014年 | 193篇 |
2013年 | 296篇 |
2012年 | 254篇 |
2011年 | 272篇 |
2010年 | 209篇 |
2009年 | 203篇 |
2008年 | 230篇 |
2007年 | 255篇 |
2006年 | 250篇 |
2005年 | 164篇 |
2004年 | 157篇 |
2003年 | 129篇 |
2002年 | 131篇 |
2001年 | 98篇 |
2000年 | 46篇 |
1999年 | 18篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 9篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有3250条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
徐燕青 《福建师大福清分校学报》2008,(1):79-85
句式的使用意图,都必须联系上下文语境去考察。“使”字句存在着条件、因果、目的和假设等多种不同的语义关系类型。各种不同语义关系的“使”字句的具体内容都能满足说话人不同的使用需求。使用条件关系的“使”字句,在意图上具有明显的一致性,使用目的和假设关系的“使”字句,有两种意图:有的是以句式的内容得出结论,有的则是把句式内容当作一种理由;而使用因果关系和可然(做法和作用)的“使”字句,其目的则是以句式本身的内容作为得出某种结论的理由或论据。 相似文献
102.
女大学生中的少数人在对待自己的爱情婚姻问题上,从"唯爱论"向"唯钱论"转身。其内在原因是依附心理、攀比心理和众从心理,外在的社会文化原因是市场经济的物化作用、女性就业的特殊压力。功利型婚恋观体现了部分女大学生追求幸福生活的尝试,也反映了她们在婚恋观上的迷茫。应通过加强学校的教育、父母家庭的积极影响等加以引导。 相似文献
103.
陈晓萍 《南昌教育学院学报》2011,(11):17+36-17
《伤逝》以独特的角度,描写了子君和涓生的恋爱及其破灭过程。《伤逝》对于爱情的解读,在今天仍然具有强烈的现实意义,能够带给我们以深刻的思考和启迪:爱情婚姻的选择其实就是生活方式的一种选择;爱情婚姻需要一定的经济基础,作为女性一定要自强自立;爱情婚姻需要呵护和经营。这样的婚姻才会幸福、美满。 相似文献
104.
Among minority members, positive contact with the majority was previously found to improve not only the attitudes toward the majority but also the attitudes toward minority outgroups (the secondary transfer effect; STE). However, the roles of negative intergroup contact and minority groups’ social status in the STE have not been yet examined. Therefore, in the present study, we investigated the association between both positive and negative contact with the national majority group (Finns) and mutual attitudes among high-status Estonian (n = 171) and low-status Russian (n = 180) immigrants in Finland. Two mediators of the STE were tested: attitudes toward the majority (attitude generalization) and public collective self-esteem (diagonal hostility). While positive and negative STEs emerging via attitude generalization were expected to occur among both immigrant groups, the mediating effect of public collective self-esteem was assumed only for members of the low-status group. In both immigrant groups, the relationship between positive contact with the majority group and attitudes toward the other immigrant group was positive and indirect through more favorable attitudes toward majority group members. The same mechanism characterized negative contact, where the indirect effect was mediated by less positive attitudes toward Finns. As predicted, public collective self-esteem mediated the effects of positive and negative contact with majority group members on attitudes toward the other minority only among low-status Russian immigrants. The results call for the acknowledgement of different mechanisms explaining the STE among minority groups enjoying different social statuses in host society. 相似文献
105.
Little is known about challenges and transition that medical students from different cultural backgrounds face with regard to complementary medicine (CM). This paper explores such students’ experiences and perspectives of socio-cultural and academic difference with regard to CM and experiences of intercultural relations. Using a constructivist grounded theory approach, 30 in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with medical students across 10 Australian medical schools. The data were rigorously analysed through a systematic process of coding, categorisation and theoretical development. The findings indicate that students adapted considerably to the host culture. Students with Western backgrounds integrated better socio-culturally and academically compared to students with non-Western backgrounds. Although nationality represented cultural identity, students’ construction of cultural difference was informed by their perception of diverging value systems within the specific educational environment. These values were, in turn, reflected in students’ reported behaviours, attitudes, and levels of engagement in socio-cultural and academic aspects of university life. Adaptation employed by students was evidenced largely due to their conflicting sense of responsibility towards familial culture regarding CM and focus on fitting in. While students’ tendency to gravitate towards cultural peers was evident, most students adapted to their host environment regarding CM to fit into normal intercultural encounters during medical school. In conclusion, students’ intercultural contact with regard to CM was both complex and problematic. At a time of significant diversification within the higher education student body, this paper highlights the role medical education institutions can play in fostering intercultural and academic guidance and support. 相似文献
106.
The current research, guided theoretically by the Intergroup Helping as Status Relations Model, explored how high and low status groups (Israeli Jews and Israeli Arabs) perceive offers of help from the high to the low status group. Ninety-three Arab and Jewish participants were asked to imagine and evaluate offers of help from Jews to Arabs in Israel. Consistent with the hypothesis that members of high and low status groups would have different perspectives and goals in their relations, Israeli Arabs viewed help by Israeli Jews more as a way to reinforce existing hierarchy and as a way of asserting the higher groups’ domination. Recognizing the different orientations of members of high and low status groups to potentially conciliatory actions, such as helping behavior, can enhance understanding of the dynamics of intergroup relations and conflict and reveal factors that might fuel intergroup misunderstandings and tensions, which can represent a critical step to improving intergroup relations. 相似文献
107.
108.
Decolonizing love: ambivalent love in contemporary (anti)sexual movements of Taiwan and South Korea*
Pei Jean Chen 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2018,19(4):551-567
ABSTRACTThis article problematizes the modern construction of “love” in colonial and contemporary Taiwan and South Korea through historicizing the concept from the nineteenth century to the present. The conception of modern love in East Asia emerged during the late nineteenth century that coincided with the beginnings of civilization and nation-building discourses advocating as a strong mediator for the reconfiguration of social and intimate relationships. In the case of colonial Taiwan and Korea, the colonial governments and intellectuals constantly pivoted on “exceptions” – obscene sex, indecent behavior or illegitimate subjects – to justify their political legitimacy/hegemony to love that prescribed a normative social relationship. Fully embraced by colonial Taiwan and Korea, this mechanism was extended to their postwar regimes; that is, love is celebrated and worshiped without the recognition of its underlying ideology of discrimination and exclusion. I coin the term “love unconscious” to characterize the colonial legacies of love in the contemporary social movements in Taiwan and South Korea. Furthermore I examine how both religious groups and LGBTQ activism were stuck in the “love unconscious” with two cases of contested love: the definition of love in the dictionary, and the rhetoric of love in (anti-)same-sex marriage movements. This article argues that Taiwan and South Korea's LGBTQ and marriage movements are based neither on Western discourses nor inspiration, but are instead driven by the reality and legacy of colonial history. To envisage the decolonization of love is to deconstruct the love unconscious and reconsider the history of colonial love. 相似文献
109.
A survey experiment (N = 529) was used to test the moderating effects of intergroup ideologies (assimilation, multiculturalism, and interculturalism) on the relationship between social dominance orientation (SDO) and expressions of prejudice under conditions of intergroup threat. Moderated multiple regression analyses suggest a multicultural integration frame moderates the relationship between SDO and feelings toward Syrian refugees in Canada when the target outgroup is portrayed as a source of intergroup threat. This moderating effect was unique to the relationship between SDO and feelings toward Syrians and did not extend to other correlates of prejudice including beliefs in zero-sum group competition or a multicultural ideology, nor did it extend to more general measures of prejudice (i.e., attitudes toward immigrants or evaluations of intercultural contact). Findings suggest the prejudice-reducing effects of a multicultural integration narrative affect group evaluations and functions by targeting beliefs in social dominance, rather than zero-sum group competition or ideological support for cultural diversity. The results offer insights into the prejudice-reducing potential for two alternative integration narratives that are institutionalized in Canada. 相似文献
110.
Martina McKnight 《Cultural Trends》2017,26(3):216-232
ABSTRACTAlthough preceded by years of political and policy developments, the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (or Belfast Agreement) in 1998 is generally regarded as marking the end of conflict and the beginning of the transition to peace. However, this transition has been neither linear nor straightforward. Divisions, both physical and symbolic, reflecting collective identities and ‘otherness’, remain resistant to change and continue to foster sectarianism, mistrust and outbreaks of violence. Despite some positive change, not least of which is the absence of sustained violence, the majority of neighbourhoods and schools remain either Protestant or Catholic. Drawing on data from the Young Life and Times (YLT) survey, an annual attitudinal survey of 16-year-olds in Northern Ireland that has been running since 2003, this article explores what young people's perspectives reveal about the complexities and the challenges involved in transitioning to a more shared society. Where relevant and possible, their attitudes are compared with those expressed by adults in the annual Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) survey. A primary focus on tracking teenagers' attitudes is important for a number of reasons. While often regarded as a ‘post-conflict’ generation, segregation and polarisation remain features of teenagers' everyday lives and the political landscape. Children and young people are one of the four key strategic priorities in the latest government strategies to build united communities and achieve change and are embedded in the Programme for Government 2016–2021. If these government commitments are to be realised, the voices of young people must become central rather than peripheral. It is important, therefore, that their opinions are not only sought, but also interrogated and fed into policy. 相似文献