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61.
Mo Ai 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2016,17(3):435-455
This essay analyses a politically tinged painting by Xu Beihong (1895–1953), a representative modern Chinese painter. He composed the work in 1949, just before the founding of the People’s Republic of China, or the New China. In this article’s discussion of the perplexing work, the author attempts to unveil Xu’s understanding of revolution and of the relationship between art and politics, in relation to his difficulties in exploring and practicing art in the early Republic period (1912–1949). Based on this, the author discusses the painter’s mindset in the social and political context of the New China. She also tries to reveal that Xu’s art practices were restrained by the realities he was in – a crucial point to understanding his achievements and predicaments. As an artist who resisted the western modernism in the course of modernization, and who idealistically pursued the highest good and beauty through “realist” approaches and historical expressions, Xu’s predicaments interestingly reflect the complicated relationship between art and revolution in China’s road to modernization, and provide a foundation for further explorations into the core issues and the particularity of modern Chinese paintings. 相似文献
62.
在高中政治教学中运用问题引领式教学法实施课程教学,能促进教师全方位地了解并熟悉学生的综合情况,然后依此设立课堂问题情景,组织并引导学生进行问题的讨论与探索.如此,不仅能帮助学生形成主动学习与独立思考的习惯,还能推进学生创造性思维的发展.基于此,本文在分析高中政治教学中存在问题的基础上,探讨了问题引领式教学在高中政治课堂... 相似文献
63.
新时期高校思想政治工作在认识、内容、形式与方法等方面存在着问题。加强和改进思想政治工作,是贯彻党的教育方针、实践“三个代表”重要思想、落实科学发展观、促进学生全面成长的根本要求,重在推进工作观念、工作内容、工作方法、工作载体和工作氛围创新。 相似文献
64.
65.
吴保来 《科学技术与辩证法》2014,(2):96-100
科技、商业和政治是社会的三种强大驱动力。三者的博奔影响了人类社会的发展进程。历史地考察三者的关系将会发现它们的作用是不同的。政治力量一直主导着社会的发展;商业在不同时期、不同国家和地区扮演不同的角色,是政治力量的有益补充;科技只是到了近代才逐渐崭露头角,并成长为一支不容忽视的力量。科技、商业和政治的博弈决定着未来社会的领导权。未来社会中,纯粹的政治家将不复存在;科学家群体将成为社会的领导者;科学家将与商业领袖结为联盟共同引导社会发展;社会的转变将主要取决于科技文明的发展高度。 相似文献
66.
This paper explores and conceptualizes the process through which expatriates acculturate to the politics of an organization in a new and dominant culture that differs from their origin culture. In addition to an overview of acculturation, we review research on the emergence and perception of political context in organizations, and on political skill and political will. We posit that politically-relevant situational characteristics in organizations and work interact with national culture to affect the intensity with which expatriates perceive politics in their organization. Based on their political skill (operationalized as high versus low) and their political will (operationalized in terms of concern for self versus concern for others), we describe the different political behavior expatriates will use as a means of acculturating to their political context and the effects those strategies have on their acculturative stress and individual effectiveness in the organization. 相似文献
67.
A.C.S. Peacock 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):267-287
This article examines the frontier between the Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and its Byzantine neighbours in the thirteenth century, concentrating on the place of these frontier districts within the Seljuk state. Scholarship on the frontier, influenced by the ideas of Paul Wittek, has seen it as something of a “no man's land”, politically, economically, culturally and religiously distinct from the urban heartland of the Seljuk sultanate in central Anatolia, dominated by the nomadic Turks, the Turkmen, who operated largely beyond sultanic control. It is often thought that the Seljuk and Greek sides of the border shared more in common with each other than they did with the states of which they formed a part. In contrast, this article argues that in fact the western frontier regions were closely integrated into the Seljuk sultanate. Furthermore, with the Mongol domination of the Seljuk sultanate in the second half of the thirteenth century, the Seljuk and Mongol elites became increasingly involved in this frontier region, where some of the leading figures of the sultanate had estates and endowments. 相似文献
68.
Wei Shi 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2019,20(1):19-38
This article attempts to understand the subject formation of Chinese peasant workers by exploring the emotional dynamics of their struggle for social security, in particular, the new political possibilities created by emotional forces, and the complex ways they experience and articulate the distinctive kind of emotional politics that binds peasant workers with the state in their co-production of emotionally charged power relations, identities, and subjectivities. It formulates an analytical framework that explores the emotional politics of fear that plays out in the context of economic restructuring. In contemporary China, the conflict triggered by social insurance contributions has become a component of the ensuing social crisis, where many protest events are triggered by widespread outrage at the violation of legal rights to social insurance and other welfare security. This research focuses on the struggle of a group of peasant workers at a UNIQLO supplier in Shenzhen, exploring how their fears for the future are constituted, and how their emotional feelings of insecurity motivate collective action and reconfigure their emotional identity and subjectivity in the face of extreme risk. Informed by a relational understanding of emotions, this paper investigates the complex ways in which the proliferation of fear, as a result of an anticipated pain in the future, articulates the process of subject-making in the face of increasing instability and precarity. The study attempts to demonstrate the centrality of fear for China’s sociopolitical order and the radical action of labor resistance. 相似文献
69.
Alexandra Avena Koenigsberger 《体育哲学杂志》2017,44(3):329-341
This article explores the strategies followed by the International Olympic Committee for the achievement of gender equality. It is argued that this international body can go beyond simply adopting an equality of opportunities approach to gender equality. It suggests which other strategies can be incorporated for which it draws on the different ways of understanding gender equality in gender political theory. 相似文献
70.
Kyoungho Park 《国际体育史杂志》2017,34(17-18):1964-1980
AbstractSince it was introduced in the late nineteenth century, soccer has been one of the cultural driving forces for Koreans in overcoming national hardships during the dark ages marked by imperial occupations, war, and division during the modern era. This study was carried out to investigate the cultural backgrounds and characteristics due to which soccer has entered an era of professionalization under the name of the Super League. Korean professional soccer started in 1983 under the name of the Super League, not by popular demand but by from political backgrounds. The sport was off to a bad start, and this became an inherent limitation and the reason Korean professional soccer did not flourish. In addition, although Korean professional soccer had grown rapidly in terms of quantity based on a consistent increase in professional teams and the introduction of advanced systems, the cultural limitations of an incomplete local franchise system and a lack of public attention were revealed. Korean professional soccer has shown a variety of sociocultural limits while rapidly developing in its short history. Nevertheless, having a short history indicates the system is young, which means it has the opportunity to mature. Korean professional soccer has sufficient potential and it can be directed toward a brighter future. 相似文献