排序方式: 共有102条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
王小燕 《重庆第二师范学院学报》2012,25(5):86-89,111
华裔女性作家谭恩美和非裔女性作家托妮.莫里森是生存在美国白人主流文化里的边缘作家,她们的身份和她们的文学一样被烙上了"他者"的标签。从后殖民女性主义视角,特别是斯皮瓦克的"属下"理论,我们可以看到谭恩美作品《百感神秘》和托妮.莫里森作品《所罗门之歌》里女性人物的具有浓厚的属下气质。但是"属下"女性们用她们的方式在"说话",同时她们的属下气质不会因为"说话"而得到消解。 相似文献
72.
ABSTRACT The authors deploy a critical cultural critique that extends the work of monstrosity scholars and other researchers who are interested in the application of zombie apocalypse analyses to critiques of contemporary nationalistic and social controversies. World War Z sets in motion a series of cinematic dynamics that invite audiences to consider how Israeli securitization of Jerusalem might serve as the world's best hope for containing the zombie apocalypse. By decoding the “monstering” features World War Z, the authors note the heuristic value of understanding how the rhetoric of autoimmunity influences mediated perceptions of Israeli and Palestinian conflicts. 相似文献
73.
This paper reports on the results of a narrative-grounded investigation ofstudent teachers' intercultural experiences and learning during their teaching practice. Our interest is in the meaning of the intercultural contact zone and how education for diversities is conceptualised and reflected upon in Finnish teacher education. Critical event narratives were collected from 10 kindergarten student teachers' teaching practice portfolios where the focus was on observing and reflecting on diversities in education. Theoretically, the study relies on Pratt's theory of contact zone. The methods and conditions for supporting student teachers' understanding of diversities in teacher education are discussed. 相似文献
74.
Rob Wilson 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(4):583-597
Abstract San Francisco, since its global takeoff in the Gold Rush Days and long‐standing trafficking in Bohemian, socialist, queer, and left‐leaning energies in and beyond the Beat era of the 1960s, has a complicated global/local history of trying to disentangle its city‐space and urban imaginary from the Greco‐Roman will‐to‐supremacy that would turn California into a frontier settlement of Asian/Pacific domination and US‐framed empire. Forces of social becoming like the Beats and post‐Beat hippies as well as more experimental authors like Jack Spicer, Maxine Hong Kingston, Frank Chin, and Bob Kaufman helped to forge a different literary‐social vision of San Francisco and the Pacific Rim city as a porous community of transnational innovation and outer‐national becoming. This paper will invoke some literary and film texts from Howl and Tripmaster Monkey to Vertigo to Margaret Cho stand‐up performances as well as some geopolitical studies, such as Gray Brechin’s Imperial San Francisco and City Light Press’s Reclaiming San Francisco to substantiate this double vision of San Francisco as global/local US site of (a) imperial ratification and (b) counter‐orientalist deformation. 相似文献
75.
Peter A. Jackson 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(3):329-348
ABSTRACT Methods of postcolonial analysis can make a major contribution to refining understandings of modern Thai history and culture. However, the fact that Thailand was not colonised has incited a widespread resistance to postcolonial studies in the field. Conservative Thai studies scholarship dismisses the very possibility of postcolonial analysis of ‘never‐colonised’ Thailand. Even critical scholars who highlight similarities between Thailand and its once‐colonised Southeast Asian neighbours doubt that methods based on deconstructing the coloniser/colonised relation capture the specificity of a society whose history places it outside the strict contours of that binary. This study responds to both the conservative and critical objections to postcolonial analyses of Thailand by revisiting the originally Marxist notion of Thailand as a semicolony of Western empire. It is argued that a post‐Marxist reading of Thai semicolonialism can challenge conservative resistance to comparing Thailand to former colonies and also provide a basis for critical dialogue with postcolonial studies. While the Marxist frameworks that gave birth to the notion of semicolonialism lost influence after the end of the Cold War, the term is still widely used in critical Thai studies, although now in a theoretically impoverished form. The aim of this study is to reinvigorate semicolonialism with renewed theoretical force by investigating why the notion has outlived its Marxist origins and specifying the critical work that it continues to do, albeit implicitly, in post‐Marxist Thai studies. Such an understanding can provide a basis for a more comprehensive account of imperialism that incorporates the experiences of the empirically significant but still theoretically neglected category of non‐Western non‐colonies such as Thailand. 相似文献
76.
Wai Ching Angela WONG 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(3):340-360
This paper aims to review the discourse of sexual morality as recently staged by Christian evangelical groups in Hong Kong and the effects of this new round of evangelical activism on the shaping of recent political culture in Hong Kong. Unlike the moral campaign against decriminalization of homosexuality in the 1980s, which eventually lost to the reasoning of British rule of law implicit in Hong Kong legislature, this new Christian movement for the defense of sexual morality in Hong Kong is situated at the juncture of political contestation between the local democratic movement and the pro-establishment political forces, including pro-Beijing businessmen, political organizations and personnel. With a high degree of ideological and strategic affinity with the Christian Right movement, which collaborates with conservative Republican groups in the United States, the evangelical campaigners of Hong Kong, whether consciously or not, have gained much political currency in collaborating with the pro-establishment forces of Hong Kong. As a result, sexual morality articulated in the name of the preservation of traditions, whether they are Christian or Chinese, has fed an autocratic political movement of Hong Kong that partakes the dangerously divisive politics of the fundamentalist religious movements around the globe. 相似文献
77.
Shih-Diing Liu 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(2):252-271
How do governed postcolonial subjects perform resistance in the age of the internet? What are their oppositional practices, networks and creativity? This paper offers an empirical analysis of the emerging network politics in Macau, the former colony of Portugal whose sovereignty was returned to China in 1999, by focusing on netizens' engagement with the postcolonial governance. This research considers “government” as consisting of not only power but freedom. It starts with an interest in the “failure” of the government—that is, how the new regime, which attempts to insert the postcolonial subject into a new power structure, actually fails to produce a completely uniform and obedient subjectivity. Instead, its rule is saturated with a multiplicity of “netwars” which take advantage of the opportunities and resources offered by the new media environment. The network struggle, which is not unified under any single authority, enables a segment of the governed population to do politics and constitute subjectivity otherwise. In particular, I illustrate how egao, which opens official icons of the administration to negotiation and contestation, allows the governed to make their own political statements. The postcolonial cyberpolitics is simultaneously agonistic and playful, expressing what Foucault calls the refusal “to be ruled in such manners”, or the desire for alternative mode of governing. 相似文献
78.
Jeanette Baird Maretta Alup Kula-Semos 《Journal of Higher Education Policy & Management》2018,40(6):550-565
ABSTRACTIn uncertain times for higher education learning communities, the risks of societal and epistemic dependence on a single globally dominant set of academic knowledge practices are evident. Nonetheless, many higher education institutions in developing nations struggle to achieve international presence unless they uncritically adopt these dominant practices, even where they recognise the need to use and promote local knowledge systems. We explore these dynamics in postcolonial Papua New Guinea, through an assessment of the intentions for internationalisation of the six PNG universities and barriers to agency. Our approach recognises the dialectical relationship between ‘internationalisation’ and ‘indigenisation’. We suggest that a pervasive but narrow view of indigenisation, emphasising the localisation of university staff, has hampered other forms of both indigenisation and internationalisation, producing more stasis than synthesis within PNG’s universities. Effective international agency by PNG universities, and their partners, requires more critical and continuous discourse between the international and the indigenous. 相似文献
79.
后殖民文学是对欧洲在亚洲,非洲,中东,太平洋及其他地方殖民的知识话语的回应。后殖民文学探讨一个国家或民族脱离殖民后带来的问题和后果,尤其是被征服的殖民地民族的政治和文化独立。该论文运用后殖民理论——杂糅来解读作品《耻》。除了讨论杂糅,作者也将介绍西方学术界的后殖民研究。 相似文献
80.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(3):369-386
The aim of this article is to analyse how good intentions in Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) discursively construct and maintain differences between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’. The empirical material consists of textbooks about sustainable development used in Swedish schools. An analysis of how ‘Us’ and ‘Them’ are constructed and maintained is done with help from critical race theory, whiteness studies and Popkewitz’ notion of double gestures, exclusion through intentions of inclusion. The analysis departs from five dichotomies: tradition/civilisation, dirtiness/purity, chaos/order, ignorance/morality and helped/helping. We consider these dichotomies as cogwheels operating in an ‘Otherness machinery’. Through this machinery, ‘We’ are constructed as knowing, altruistic, conscious and good. The Other is simultaneously constructed as ‘uncivilised’ or as a ‘bad’ Other in need of higher moral standards. With help from these two Others, ‘Swedish exceptionalism’ is formed. The ESD project could then be understood as a colonial and excluding project, and we ask how it is possible to avoid that ‘our common world’ only belong to ‘Us’? 相似文献