大学、企业研发与首都区域创新的局域空间计量分析

运用空间计量经济学的空间变系数回归模型--地理加权回归模型,在全国31个省级区域创新系统的大背景下,着重对首都区域创新及其影响因素进行了空间计量经济分析。全域估计结果发现:中国31个省域创新能力的贡献主要是由企业研发投入实现,大学研发对区域创新能力没有明显的贡献,大学研发与企业研发的结合也没有对区域创新表现出显著的作用。局域地理加权回归计量分析结果显示:首都地区的企业研发能力和人力资本对首都区域创新能力具有正向促进作用,首都强大的研发成果没能近距离扩散,对首都创新能力的形成没有提供应有的贡献。寻求建立大学研发与企业研发之间的技术转移渠道及相互作用机制是目前首都地区大学、企业研发与区域创新联动面临的一个关键问题。     

创建精品课程提高教学质量

建设精品课程的目的是通过为学生提供优质教学资源来提高教学质量。本文结合机械原理精品课程建设,从课程体系、教学内容、师资队伍建设、教材建设、教学方法和手段等几方面进行了探索和实践,并取得标志性成果。     

论高等教育发展的治理模式

治理理论为政府公共事务管理改革提供了新的理论视角,从管制走向治理是高等教育管理改革的重要趋势。市场型治理、参与型治理、解制型治理和弹性化治理是当今世界高等教育发展的四种治理模式,对我国高等教育的改革和发展具有重要的参考价值。     

浅议形象教学法在普通话语音教学中的运用

从理论讲解和实践指导角度，对形象教学法在主持专业普通话语音教学中的运用进行分析和论述。     

建构主义视角下翻译理论的建构和教学改革

建构主义的思想来源于认知加工学说,它认为学习是一个主动的过程。在这一理论的指导下我们的教学不能再把知识作为预先决定了的东西强压给学生,学生对知识的接收,只能由他自己来建构完成。这样培养出来的人才才更具有创造性精神,更能适应时代的发展。我们有必要打破原有的教学模式,发挥学生的主观能动性,让他们逐渐变为学习的主体。     

巴赫金对话理论的修辞学研究

巴赫金(M.M.Bakhtin)学术思想的核心和精髓是对话理论,其主旨在于强调一种积极的、崇尚个性、注重平等参与的人文精神,对话思想贯穿于他的语言学和符号学思想。虽然巴赫金不是修辞学家,但他有关修辞学的陈述都倡导将修辞学解释为对话,从而确认了话语的各种形式。巴赫金的对话概念极大地发展和丰富了修辞学传统,由此而形成的对话修辞学将巴赫金作品中和现代文化理论中所形成的新的概念应用于修辞学传统,给传统修辞学注入了新的活力。巴赫金的对话修辞学是一种检测我们与他人的观点以及检测我们自身的手段,尤其是对我们个体的和文化的差异的一种检测。从修辞学的视角来探讨巴赫金的对话理论,有助于对其理论能进一步加以审视和理解。     

We make the road by walking together: New teachers and the collaborative and context-specific appropriation of shared social justice-oriented practices and concepts

This study examined the work of a collaborative group of six new United States-based social studies teachers from the same social justice-oriented teacher education program (SJOTEP). Shared practices and concepts introduced previously in the SJOTEP were developed and appropriated to their classrooms and schools in consideration of the local context, through the collaborative problem-solving process of the group. It is argued that SJOTEPs and TEPs committed to issues of diversity, democracy, inclusion, and/or equity should be collaboration-based, teach a coherent and consistent social justice-focused curriculum, and provide post-graduation collaborative support and research it.     

The 'new' politics of education in Britain's changing times

The British Labour Party has continued to make progress on education, following two broad policy paths and adopting a pragmatic approach that does not attempt to force these to cross or converge. One path is that of the quasi market inherited from the previous Conservative administration; the other is characterised as 'intervention' to support those for whom the market remains almost entirely irrelevant. Some observers regard this dual approach as 'opportunism' and Labour's education policy as a 'betrayal' of principle, by which is meant the principle of 'equal opportunity'. Of course, that principle provides equal opportunity to fail as much as to succeed. Rather than leaving education to the market, Labour has focused on the needs of those most likely to be failed by the principle of 'equal' opportunity in a quasi market.     

Cloning the Blairs: New Labour's programme for the re-socialization of working-class parents

In his speech to the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) in July 1999, the UK Secretary of State for Education, David Blunkett, set out New Labour's vision for a system of education in which there is ‘excellence for the many not just the few’. He outlined what is essentially a bi-focal strategy for achieving this vision. The first focus is on the education system itself, the structures and practices that New Labour believes need to be in place if schools and services are going to meet the needs of all children and not just a privileged minority. The second focus is on the need to promote ‘a culture of achievement’, as, according to Blunkett, the vision ‘depends on changing attitudes as well as the system itself’. This paper focuses on this second strategy, more specifically the government's attempts to change the attitudes of parents. It is argued that this strategy aims to eradicate class differences by reconstructing and transforming working-class parents into middle-class ones, that it represents possibly the most important and far-reaching aspect of New Labour's policy agenda, and that it has not so far received the attention it deserves. The paper is in two parts. The first part sets out what is involved in New Labour's programme of re-socialization and explores the mechanisms by which New Labour is attempting to universalize the values, attitudes and behaviour of a certain fraction of middle-class parents. The second part develops a critique of this programme.