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71.
两宋是中国史料笔记发展的第一个高峰期。这一时期笔记作者的撰述旨趣十分明确,他们既不同于先秦诸子的论理譬喻以存哲思,更异于南北朝、唐人因“作意好奇”而为志怪、传奇,而是为着补充、保存信史和施行教化的目的而作,体现出与传统史学大致相通的书写意愿。在采撰范围上,上自军国大事,下至街谈琐议,无所不包,体现出广泛而博恰的特点,而在体例上则善于吸收和创造,表现出灵活、不拘的特点。  相似文献   
72.
Although luster potteries are frequently excavated at archeological sites in Iran, a thorough scientific study of their provenance has not yet been performed. In this work, 43 pieces of Iranian luster pottery (bowl, dish and tile) excavated from Rayy, Kashan, Maragheh, Alamoot, Takht-i-Sulayman and Jiroft were analyzed in order to investigate their origin. The luster shards which belong to Seljuks and Il-Khanids dynasties (12th–13th centuries) were analyzed using proton induced X-ray emission (PIXE) technique. To classify the fragments according to their location and origin, principal component analysis (PCA) and hierarchical cluster analysis (HCA) were applied to the chemical compositions of the body of the shards. We were able to classify the samples into three distinct groups using PIXE.  相似文献   
73.
吕颐浩从酒税等商税入手,进行经济改革。他将经制钱扩展到了南宋占有的绝大部分地区,加大对私盐的打击。始终把增税和打击的对象固定在商官身上。吕颐浩的经济措施对之后的南宋经济影响深远,其财政措施具有积极意义,值得肯定。  相似文献   
74.
The rise of the Mongol empire was a shock to the Arab world and led many Arab authors to describe these conquerors in decidedly negative terms. The great historian Ibn Khaldūn also discusses the Mongols' rise and their conquests. As a nomadic people they challenged and defeated sedentary populations and founded their own dynasties. Consequently, the Mongol conquests perfectly fit Ibn Khaldūn's theories on ?a?abiyya – which is superior in nomadic groups – and the rise and fall of dynasties. For the Maghrebi historian, the rise of the Mongols was a natural step in the course of history. This consequently colours his view of the Mongols and affects the way he portrays them, especially regarding the themes of violence and religion – recurring themes in many contemporary works dealing with the Mongols – and in his depiction of the Turco-Mongolian conqueror Timur, who is presented in a more favourable light by Ibn Khaldūn than he is in many contemporary works.  相似文献   
75.
The founding of the Fā?imid caliphate across the southern Mediterranean, and then in Egypt, Syria and the ?ijāz at the turn of the fourth/tenth century, necessitated its negotiation with the ashrāf, those who claimed lineal descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and who by this time had gained significant influence as a social class based on their charismatic descent. While other dynastic powers fostered relationships with various members of the ashrāf, the Fā?imid–ashrāf dynamics were distinctive in that the Fā?imids legitimised their rule as Ismā?īlī Shī?ī imām-caliphs, based on their claim of descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and as the sole successors to his authority and leadership over the Islamic world. Consequently, Fā?imid–ashrāf relations were permeated by fraternal camaraderie as well as by competing contestations based on their shared claim to Prophetic lineage.  相似文献   
76.
This article examines the frontier between the Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and its Byzantine neighbours in the thirteenth century, concentrating on the place of these frontier districts within the Seljuk state. Scholarship on the frontier, influenced by the ideas of Paul Wittek, has seen it as something of a “no man's land”, politically, economically, culturally and religiously distinct from the urban heartland of the Seljuk sultanate in central Anatolia, dominated by the nomadic Turks, the Turkmen, who operated largely beyond sultanic control. It is often thought that the Seljuk and Greek sides of the border shared more in common with each other than they did with the states of which they formed a part. In contrast, this article argues that in fact the western frontier regions were closely integrated into the Seljuk sultanate. Furthermore, with the Mongol domination of the Seljuk sultanate in the second half of the thirteenth century, the Seljuk and Mongol elites became increasingly involved in this frontier region, where some of the leading figures of the sultanate had estates and endowments.  相似文献   
77.
This article contributes to the important debate over the conversion of the Turks to Islam. Previously, it was thought that the Turks abandoned their former steppe faith and customs very swiftly to become staunch Sunni Muslims, but this view has recently been challenged by a number of studies. The current consensus seems to be that the Turks’ adoption of Islam was a process of far longer duration, spanning many decades. This article broadens this discussion by demonstrating that the chronicles written by the First Crusaders contain much useful information that is pertinent to this question. It works through these texts, showing that they can shed new light on this point.  相似文献   
78.
This paper examines ideas surrounding the presentation of the Muslim “other” in Latin writings of the early period of the Crusades. Using a case-study approach of the views of one chronicler, Walter the Chancellor, in his work Bella Antiochena, on one individual Muslim, Najm al-Dīn Il-Ghāzī, the paper studies aspects of the image of Il-Ghāzī, the reasons for them, how and why they develop throughout the chronicle, and whether, from the other information given in the chronicle, it would be possible to interpret the information in other ways. The conclusions reached demonstrate that the reason for the vitriol in Walter's presentation was his wish to justify the Crusades and suggest that the writers of Outremer started to develop their own cross-cultural responses to Islam, independent of mainstream European thought, because of their situation.  相似文献   
79.
“索性”在宋代的《朱子语类》中已经产生,元明清时期使用频繁,用法与现代汉语基本一致。但是清代用法与“索性”相近的副词相当多,如“爽性”、“率性”、“索兴”、“爽得”、“头信”、“投性”、“投信”、“干脆”等,不过后来“索性”类副词又趋于统一。这反映了语言现象大都是由纷纭繁复走向规范统一的规律。  相似文献   
80.
本在对北宋三类语言材料进行穷尽性统计的基础上,对北宋疑问语气词“麽”的用法进行了描写。章认为:a.至迟到北宋,“麽”已彻底、整体完成了虚化;b.在共有的语义功能范畴内,“麽”字句在与反复句的竞争中已占上风,显示出其强大的生命力;c.“麽”确实源于“无”,从北宋的“麽”的结构特征可以看出“无”的语义特征对“麽”的影响。  相似文献   
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