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71.
This study examines the coverage of terrorism in two leading Arab news websites, Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya from 11 September 2009 to 10 September 2010. It finds that the stereotype that ‘the terrorist is a Muslim’ continues in terrorism coverage, despite the fact that some terrorists are non-Muslims. However, the two sites manage to send out the message that ‘the majority of terrorism victims are Muslims.’ In addition, the findings reveal that too much media focus is placed on disseminating and supporting official positions and decisions, and humanitarian sufferings from terrorism are seldom brought to the attention of the public. 相似文献
72.
Denise M. Bostdorff 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2013,99(4):293-319
The appeal of Bush's post-September 11 discourse lies in its similarities with the Puritan rhetoric of covenant renewal by which ministers brought second- and third-generation Puritans into the church. Through this epideictic discourse, Bush implored younger Americans to uphold the national covenant of their “elders,” the World War II generation, through support of the war on terrorism, and he revitalized the faith of the older generation. Bush's covenant renewal rhetoric in the context of September 11 inaugurated him into the presidency. It also explains his predilection for unilateral and/or pre-emptive action and his call for acts of local community service. 相似文献
73.
《普罗米修斯》2012,30(4):467-475
The author chaired two Expert Groups of the OECD including that on privacy, whose guidelines form the basis of the legal regimes in Australia, New Zealand and many other countries. He reviews the success of those guidelines and the defects disclosed by time and by the remarkable advances in information technology since the guidelines were adopted in 1980. He then explores the revival of interest in the protection of privacy in the courts as a common law entitlement, instancing the recent decision of the Australian High Court in the Lenah Game Meats Case. The difficulty which the common law faces in responding to the challenge of informatics is then explored by reference to the decision in Dow Jones v Gutnik concerned with liability for defamation on the Internet. Finally, the author considers two contemporary problems: genetic privacy and terrorism. On the latter, he concludes with a reminder of the need to uphold civic rights, including privacy, so as to ensure that the terrorists, although losing, do not win. 相似文献
74.
杨琳琳陈朝阳刘志方买思思李莉红王天北 《宁波大学学报(教育科学版)》2018,(4):8-014
为探究暴力游戏中的合作情境是否能够对玩家的攻击性与合作性产生长期影响,以及玩家对于不同人群的攻击性和合作性是否存在差异,对260名宁波在校大学生的游戏经验以及合作和攻击行为进行测量。研究结果发现:(1)相对于以单人形式进入游戏的玩家,长期处于合作情境中的暴力游戏玩家的合作性较高,攻击性较低,这说明暴力游戏中的合作情境能够增加玩家的合作性倾向,降低其攻击性倾向;(2)对于不同的攻击对象,玩家对于游戏内对手的攻击性显著高于对游戏内同伴和现实他人的攻击性,由此说明暴力游戏玩家的攻击性仅针对于游戏内对手,而不会迁移到普遍他人。 相似文献
75.
试论恐怖主义问题对中国外交的影响 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
以“9.11事件”为标志,国际恐怖主义活动进入新阶段。恐怖主义以其复杂性和国际性深刻地影响着国际关系,成为主导国际形势发展的重要变量。恐怖主义活动与中国有着历史和现实性的联系,使中国外部安全环境面临着新的威胁,外交工作中的不确定因素增多。国际反恐合作使中国改善和充实了大国外交,调整和巩固了周边外交,改变了前期中国反恐的被动局面,在国际社会中提升了国家形象和影响力。另外在应对海外中国公民遭遇恐怖袭击问题时体现了中国“外交为民”的新理念。 相似文献
76.
高华 《新疆职业大学学报》2010,18(2):75-77
20世纪90年代以来,新疆恐怖主义犯罪呈现出四个新动向,根据这些新动向及现行刑事法律对恐怖主义犯罪惩治的不足,提出了新疆防控恐怖主义犯罪的几点建议:首先在刑法中明确恐怖主义犯罪的概念、罪名;其次规定恐怖主义犯罪的特殊减刑或免刑事由,以便强化瓦解恐怖主义犯罪组织和团伙的力度;最后提出对恐怖主义犯罪罪犯的刑事处罚应当增设没收财产刑和罚金刑等建议。 相似文献
77.
78.
董延寿 《洛阳师范学院学报》2000,19(4):59-61
圣茹斯特是法国大革命中涌现出来的年青的政治家 ,为雅各宾专政的建立和巩固做了大量的工作 ,史学界一般把他同罗伯斯比尔相提并论 ,普遍认为他同罗伯斯比尔在政治上是一致的。事实上在镇压了丹东派和埃贝尔派以后 ,他同罗伯斯比尔之间就出现了裂痕 ,其焦点是缩小还是继续扩大恐怖政策。为此他极力调和反对派同罗伯斯比尔之间的矛盾 ,主张“客观”、“宽容”、“理智”和“以法治国”。虽然他“拯救革命”的计划没有实现 ,但他的这些做法 ,正说明他的政治思想比罗伯斯比尔理智和清醒 ,符合法国大革命发展的方向。 相似文献
79.
80.
Garth Stahl Melanie Baak Sam Schulz Ben Adams Andrew Peterson 《British Educational Research Journal》2021,47(5):1177-1193
Countering violent extremism (CVE) continues to be a topic of national and international concern as well as media interest. In the field of CVE, educational institutions have an important role to play, but precisely how educators and policymakers should best respond to extremism within schools remains unclear. This article draws on interviews with multiple stakeholders implementing a small-scale nationally funded grant in Australian schools to guard against behaviours leading to violent extremism through developing restorative justice (RJ) practices. In foregrounding their accounts, we draw attention to the complexity of negotiating the CVE space by resisting dominant narratives that could be considered ‘exaggerations’ regarding both the manifestations of and motivations behind violent or extreme student behaviour. To conclude, we highlight how—in important ways—the money and resourcing allocated for CVE in local settings simply recycles what are already established to be best practices for fostering belonging and connection in schools, particularly in socio-economically disadvantaged communities. 相似文献