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111.
曾逸群 《暨南大学华文学院学报》2008,(3):43-52
本文针对拼音文字为背景的外籍学生,以问卷形式调查其汉字输出的过程中,是否表现了识记过程中的认知倾向。问卷以取得形、音作答的分布数据设计,前半部采用汉字形、音填充形式,此时受试者对施测字仅有语义或词组语境的线索;问卷后半部采问答形式,调查受试者在汉字学习时的策略使用情形。藉由以上的资料分析,本文尝试观察以拼音文字为背景的汉语学习者,其汉字输出在认记途径上表现的相异性,及汉字字音、字形与字义的联系特征。 相似文献
112.
电磁波/光传输特性研究中常用TE/TM偏振描述波的传播模式.不同系统中对TE/TM偏振的定义却存在差别,有时还与s/p态混合使用,使研究者在理论和实验研究中产生概念混淆和结果矛盾的问题.本文从电磁理论出发,对传导系统中可能存在的偏振模式进行深入的推导和分析,解释TE/TM偏振态存在原因和可能状态,对其与s/p态的区别进行比较说明.针对空间偏振态的易混淆问题进行逐一解答. 相似文献
113.
C. J. W.-L. Wee 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2016,17(2):305-315
This article focuses on Chua Beng Huat’s work on the East Asian pop culture that became more prominent in East and Southeast Asia from the 1990s, when the circulation of multilingual and multi-format pop culture started to exceed linguistic, ethnic and national boundaries. It argues that Chua’s work indicates that the pop-cultural production and innovation that support the globalisation and regionalisation processes in East Asia need not be national in origin but can hail from different national origins – and this despite the existing political realities of the region and its history of political fractures. Chua Beng Huat cautions, though, that the national popular can also be marshalled to defeat the border-crossing potential of an inter-Asian pop culture. What is the “Asia” imagined or being represented in such cultural production? Chua’s work is also distinctive in that it deals with the political and economic conditions that underpin mainstream pop consumption as a socio-cultural phenomenon, instead of examining consumption as identity politics. The article concludes by noting the significance that Chua as an institutional builder has played in enabling the study of East Asian pop culture in the region. 相似文献
114.
115.
Kinship,Camaraderie and Contestation: Fāṭimid Relations with the Ashrāf in the Fourth/Tenth Century.
Shainool Jiwa 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(3):242-264
The founding of the Fā?imid caliphate across the southern Mediterranean, and then in Egypt, Syria and the ?ijāz at the turn of the fourth/tenth century, necessitated its negotiation with the ashrāf, those who claimed lineal descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and who by this time had gained significant influence as a social class based on their charismatic descent. While other dynastic powers fostered relationships with various members of the ashrāf, the Fā?imid–ashrāf dynamics were distinctive in that the Fā?imids legitimised their rule as Ismā?īlī Shī?ī imām-caliphs, based on their claim of descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and as the sole successors to his authority and leadership over the Islamic world. Consequently, Fā?imid–ashrāf relations were permeated by fraternal camaraderie as well as by competing contestations based on their shared claim to Prophetic lineage. 相似文献
116.
Martin Borýsek 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):241-266
Takkanot Kandiyah is a collection of Hebrew-written legislative texts regarding the leadership of the Jewish community of Candia, the capital of the Venetian colony of Crete, which were issued by successive generations of communal leaders between the early thirteenth and late sixteenth centuries. The detailed information it provides on many areas of the communal life makes Takkanot Kandiyah a valuable source for historical research into Jewish life in the medieval and Early Modern Mediterranean. Through a study of the texts contained in Takkanot Kandiyah, this article attempts to identify and analyse the ways in which the leadership of the Candiot community responded to the challenges of coexistence with the Greek inhabitants of Crete and the Venetian rulers of the island, as well as with the Jewish immigrants whom the currents of history brought to Crete from various corners of the Mediterranean, and thus to examine the importance of the “Mediterranean dimension” of the life of Cretan Jewry. 相似文献
117.
A.C.S. Peacock 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):267-287
This article examines the frontier between the Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and its Byzantine neighbours in the thirteenth century, concentrating on the place of these frontier districts within the Seljuk state. Scholarship on the frontier, influenced by the ideas of Paul Wittek, has seen it as something of a “no man's land”, politically, economically, culturally and religiously distinct from the urban heartland of the Seljuk sultanate in central Anatolia, dominated by the nomadic Turks, the Turkmen, who operated largely beyond sultanic control. It is often thought that the Seljuk and Greek sides of the border shared more in common with each other than they did with the states of which they formed a part. In contrast, this article argues that in fact the western frontier regions were closely integrated into the Seljuk sultanate. Furthermore, with the Mongol domination of the Seljuk sultanate in the second half of the thirteenth century, the Seljuk and Mongol elites became increasingly involved in this frontier region, where some of the leading figures of the sultanate had estates and endowments. 相似文献
118.
Nicholas Morton 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2015,27(2):109-118
This article contributes to the important debate over the conversion of the Turks to Islam. Previously, it was thought that the Turks abandoned their former steppe faith and customs very swiftly to become staunch Sunni Muslims, but this view has recently been challenged by a number of studies. The current consensus seems to be that the Turks’ adoption of Islam was a process of far longer duration, spanning many decades. This article broadens this discussion by demonstrating that the chronicles written by the First Crusaders contain much useful information that is pertinent to this question. It works through these texts, showing that they can shed new light on this point. 相似文献
119.
Ubonrat Siriyuvasak 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(2):245-263
This article attempts to investigate the emerging people's media in relation to the development of communication rights in Indonesia and the Philippines. The thrust is to focus on how the Indonesian and Philippine press acquiesced to political and economic control by the governments of the dictatorial regime of President Soeharta and President Marcos. On the other contrary, we look at how people felt that communication rights are their basic rights and that freedom of thought and freedom of speech are essential for democratic rule. Their resistant to violence, imprisonment and murder carried out by state functionaries have brought new forms of media. These are people's media or radical and citizen media which empower as well as transform ‘passive citizens’ into ‘political actors’. 相似文献
120.