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51.
印度共产党是当今印度政坛仅次于印共(马)的第二大共产党组织.在80多年的历史中,虽几经分裂,但均能在调整政策纲领和生存策略的努力下生存并获得发展.在今天的印度政坛,印度共产党通过与印共(马)等左翼政治力量联合,多次在地方层面参政或执政,并成为"团结进步联盟"等主流政治力量竞相拉拢的结盟对象,在国内政治舞台上发挥着重要的影响. 相似文献
52.
Nancy Carol Carter 《Legal Reference Services Quarterly》2013,32(3):210-230
Federal Indian policy in the United States historically reflects both the hard-headed pragmatism of the nation and its quixotic romanticism. Researchers can identify roughly drawn policy epochs and policy motivations, but there were no clean slates as policy shifted. The legal history of a tribe reflects the accumulated—and often contradictory—impact of changing federal policy. Complexity was added to the government's approach by the application of single-minded policies to the exceedingly diverse native groups within the nation's borders. An understanding of evolving federal policy offers useful insights and a basis for creative legal theories. 相似文献
53.
发展海洋经济是解决当前人类所面临的资源匮乏、空间紧张、环境恶化等问题的一条有效途径,开发海洋这一尚未被充分利用的资源宝库也已上升为许多国家和地区的战略性问题。我国主要资源的人均占有量均低于世界平均水平,而快速发展的经济对资源的需求又不断增加,使得海洋资源的开发利用在我国经济发展中的地位起到越来越重要。丰富的生物、港口、矿产、旅游等资源,有利的地理位置,显示了我国发展海洋经济的优越性。近年来,我国海洋经济发展较快,特别是海洋运输、旅游、海上油气开采等新兴产业发展迅速,但也存在第一产业比重过高、资源开发不合理、海洋生态环境恶化、海洋灾害频繁、领土争议等困扰可持续发展的一系列问题。为了实现我国海洋经济的可持续发展,应该做到:①实施以淘汰高污染产业、发展清洁及环保技术的可持续发展的战略;②加强包括宣传、规划、环境治理、防灾减灾在内的综合管理;③发展深海开发、海洋生物和海洋探测等技术,走“科技兴海”之路;④大力发展海洋油气、旅游、生物、化工等新兴产业,优化产业结构。 相似文献
54.
佛教兴盛于印度奴隶制发展时期的"列国时代",衰败于其封建时代.然而在中国,它却高度发展于汉魏之后的中国封建社会的鼎盛时期.形成这一强烈对比的原因有三其一,中国封建社会高度发达,更需要得心应手的思想统治工具,而主张逆来顺受的佛教则与统治阶级的政治需求不谋而合.其二,中国有着成熟的封建统治者,对政教关系能处理得恰到好处,可放手发展佛教.其三,中国有着发达的封建文化和社会思想,使富含深邃思想的佛教能与之互相促进,并相辅相成. 相似文献
55.
56.
In this article, I illustrate how the dominant Black–White binary paradigm of race in the United States situates Indigenous
women as either racialized Others or White Others in the context of a predominantly White university. Race and racism are
thus salient in the lives of Indigenous students in multiple and complex ways—ways which are rarely elaborated upon in the
current research literature.
Angelina E. Castagno is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison. 相似文献
57.
Conor Heffernan 《国际体育史杂志》2017,34(7-8):554-577
Though the practice of swinging weighted clubs for gymnastic exercise has a centuries long history in India, the latter half of the nineteenth century witnessed the exercise practice grow in political significance. In the years following the 1857 Indian Rebellion, both Hindu nationalists and British army officials undertook the practice with differing intent. Within the martial context, a differentiated style of British club swinging was used to reform supposedly weak and effeminate Hindus, a practice the Hindu physical culture movement sought to render useless through the promotion of heavy club swinging. In first examining the clubs’ origins and British appropriation, the paper explores how two club swinging traditions existed in India in post-1857. Following this, the paper demonstrates how the British army sought to control Hindu bodies through club swinging and how the Hindu physical culture movement concurrently sought to rebuild Hindu bodies capable of defeating British athletes through heavy club swinging. Regarding the latter, focus is given to the wrestling tours of Buttan Singh and Ghulam Muhammad in early twentieth-century Britain. Such tours were used to prove Hindu manliness as constructed through the club exercise. 相似文献
58.
Mohammad Delwar Hossain Aaron S. Veenstra 《Journal of Intercultural Communication Research》2017,46(5):478-496
This study examines the uses and gratifications of language in social media among the Indian subcontinental diaspora in the United States, based on data collected from an online survey of 535 adult immigrants following a snowballing technique. Results showed the use of native language is related to the use of home country media, while the use of English language is related to emotional adjustment. This study contributes to the literature on social media, community, and language preference by opening avenues for conducting further research on the usage of language in social media among the Indian subcontinental diaspora in the United States. The findings of this study contribute to an understanding of the influence of social media on language preference. 相似文献
59.
Yunush Ahamed Mohamed Sherif 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2016,17(2):316-323
When the nation building process was gaining momentum during the early 20th century, all the communities in British India had to participate in the process and the Muslims were no exception. Although the Muslim community in British India was as diverse as any other community, there was an attempt to unite its members under the identity of “Muslims” during the first half of the 20th century. But the Tamil Muslims remained aloof from the idea of an “Indian Muslim Community.” They had a double consciousness of being a Tamil as well as a Muslim. They highlighted their “Tamilness” more than their “Muslimness.” More than the Muslim League, their involvement with the Dravidian Movement was substantial. They supported both the movement for Dravidasthan as well as Pakistan. This paper will look into the process of “nation making,” particularly a “Muslim nation” and the anxiety of the Tamil Muslims during these processes. It will analyse the reasons behind the Tamil Muslims being alienated from the other Muslims, the British colonialist denying the identity of “pure” Muslims to the Tamil Muslims and their involvement in the Dravidian Movement. 相似文献
60.
Yifan Jiang 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(3):476-484
In this interview with the Guangzhou-based newspaper Southern Metropolis Daily, conducted in December 2010 during her participation of the ‘West Heavens: India-China Summit on Social Thought’, Tejaswini Niranjana questions accepted notions about women and development, explains the reasons for finding alternative reference points in each other for non-Western societies, which resulted in the historical emergence of Cultural Studies in India, and speaks for the need for substantive mutual cultural exposure between India and China. 相似文献