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11.
马氏八极拳是海内外最具影响力与代表性的八极拳流派之一。其教学与训练独具风格,是马氏八极拳理论与技术体系的重要组成部分,深受马氏通备武学理念的影响。通过文献资料法、对比分析法等对马氏八极拳的教学与训练进行相应剖析,在指出它与传统八极拳教学与训练所具有的共性基础之上,进一步指出其在通备武学指导下所具有的个性内容,从而加深对马氏八极拳学与练的理解与把握。研究指出,在马氏八极拳教学与训练中,通备劲贯穿其全过程,大大丰富了原本八极拳相对简单的发劲结构;其呼吸、礼仪等方面,都具有自己明显的特征。而马氏通备十二打手的单式单操,对于更好的掌握八极拳,同时承上启下,完成进一步的选材与深化教学有着显著的实践效果。  相似文献   
12.
The present study examines the treatment of the Prophet's mount in Shī‘ite tradition. We discuss the different opinions concerning the ass's name, ‘Ufayr or Ya‘fūr and present various traditions concerning utterances spoken by it, including utterances addressed to the Prophet, and other cases of human-like behaviour on its part, such as an ability to distinguish Muslims from Jews. We then go on to compare the Prophet's ass to those of other prophets, and find a number of similarities between them, in particular their ability to speak a human language. We also discuss the ass's death, which according to Shī‘ite tradition was by suicide, occasioned by the ass's fear following his master's death that someone else, not a prophet, would use it as a mount. We compare the Prophet's ass to those of Noah, and Solomon's Hoopoe, and show how Shī‘ite tradition has focused on similarities among them and utilized those to support the idea of the Imāmate as the Prophet's legacy in Shī‘ite doctrine. We further discuss the preference which Shī‘ite Imāms had for asses as against other mounts, a preference based on their wish to follow in the Prophet's footsteps.  相似文献   
13.
《汉语大字典》(以下简称《大字典》)“翕”字条存在着两方面不足:其一是引证与释文不合,其二是释义不确切。我们将以缩印本作为考察底本,对“翕”字条和其它字条类似的失误进行分析,提出我们的看法。  相似文献   
14.
海权问题逐渐引起国民的重视,其对开放型国家的重要性不言而喻。通过观察制海权对中国历史的影响,汲取必要的教训与有益的教益,当今中国海权问题的发展可从中得到启示——转变传统陆权观念,塑造海权思想。根据现实需要,中国海权战略可做适当的调整,而调整的关键在于:建设强大的远洋海上军事力量、使海外贸易与海上军事力量形成良性互哺、海权问题应着眼解决台海问题但更应着眼于现实需要与长远利益。  相似文献   
15.
敦煌石窟中的摩利支天曼荼罗及其造像共有三例,即榆林窟第3窟北壁东侧、东千佛洞第5窟、莫高窟第3窟主尊造像。这些壁画或塑像是根据宋代天息灾译《佛说大摩里支菩萨经》绘制的,与公元9-10世纪印度后期密教的图像及其仪轨在印度的流行有着深刻的关系。研究结果表明,宋代天息灾等印度高僧在中原弘传密教翻译密典,不但给予中原的宋代密教以直接的影响,而且还对西夏时代的敦煌佛教产生了深远的影响。  相似文献   
16.
Jābir ibn [Hdot]ayyān took advantage of the vast translation enterprise of Greek scientific works into Arabic. He quotes from these sources, including several whose Greek originals are lost. His works can be likened to the encyclopedia of Ikhwān al-[Sdot]afā’, the most important transmission of Pythagorean tradition. In this Epistle on Music the Ikhwān followed Jābir's method, and perhaps were influenced by him, in analysing the relationship between language and music, together with the arithmetical speculations that were widely influential. In this article, I have attempted to collect Jābir's scattered ideas on the origin of language and music trying to assemble the major ones in a coherent exposition.  相似文献   
17.
In 789/1387, Sultan al-?āhir Barqūq (r. 784–792/1382–89, 793–802/1390–99), the founder of the Circassian Mamluk State, moved the royal ma?ālim sessions for hearing petitions from Dār al-‘Adl, the time-honoured building at the centre of the Cairo Citadel, to the Royal Stables situated in the peripheral and lower enclosure of the Citadel. Thereafter, Barqūq utilised the stable area as a stronghold of his new paternalistic rule. This paper examines the background, political intention, and social meaning of this important change, with special attention to various actions of urban and rural Egyptian people during the two reigns of the sultan.  相似文献   
18.
19.
Ibn Ba??ū?a's longest sojourn (734–748/1333-ca. 1347) in his famous world travels was in the domains of the Delhi sultanate ruled by Mu?ammad b. Tughluq. He presents a vivid picture of court life in Delhi and a portrait of the sultan, whom Ibn Ba??ū?a describes in contrasting terms of generosity and violence. This essay examines the latter phenomenon, first by briefly noting the contribution of two contrasting studies on the complex nature of violence itself (Part One), followed by Ibn Ba??ū?a's depiction of Ibn Tughluq's accession to power (Part Two), and then his perception of the sultan's use of capital punishment during his reign (Part Three). The last section (Part Four) adds further detail on the sultan's policy and then briefly compares Ibn Ba??ū?a's perception of the sultan's violence with that of another contemporary witness, the historian ?iyā? al-Dīn Baranī. The result suggests that Ibn Ba??ū?a's representation of violence is as nuanced as the phenomenon of violence itself.  相似文献   
20.
As Joseph Schacht argued in the 1950s, the office of qā?ī began in the Umayyad period as that of a “legal secretary” to provincial governors. Documentary evidence from Egypt confirms that governors were indeed regarded as the highest judicial authority in early Islam, and that their legal powers far surpassed that of any other judge. In large cities, governors appointed and dismissed qā?īs at will; decisions taken by qā?īs could be swiftly overruled by political authorities.

Although the ?Abbāsids reformed and centralised the judiciary in the second half of second/eighth century, qā?īs were still subordinate to reigning rulers and unable to impose judgements that displeased the caliph or his main representatives. The increasing political and social influence of scholars and the development of classical schools of law eventually changed this situation. Relying on a body of both narrative and legal literature, this article addresses the qā?īs' attempts to resist political rulers' interference with the judiciary by asserting themselves as true representatives of the sharī?a. It argues that ?anafī legal literature, dating from the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries, gradually elaborated a theory on the relationship between the qā?ī and the ruler. This theory was instrumental in doing away with political infringement on the judicial prerogative and was soon incorporated into adab literature, whose stories of rulers entirely subjugated to the rule of law became a new political model.  相似文献   
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