The limits of university autonomy: Power and politics at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México

The nature and extent of institutional autonomyat the Universidad Nacional Autónomade México (UNAM) has been a matter ofcontention between academics, policy makers anduniversity members for many years. Opinionsabout governmental influence over theuniversity in Mexico range from absoluteautonomy to absolute control. Few of them,however, are founded on research on university-government relations. Most studies ofuniversity autonomy in Mexico are based onclassical definitions and pluralist politicalperspectives that limit a thoroughunderstanding of this relation between theUniversity and the government in the context ofan authoritarian State. This article providesan alternative perspective on the nature andlimits of autonomy at UNAM based on conflicttheories, resource dependency and theories ofpower.     

台湾的权威主义与现代化

台湾在实现现代化的过程中采用的是权威政体这一政权形态。在现代化道路上,权威体制推动了台湾的现代化,而经济发展和现代化又促进了台湾的政治转型和政治民主化。台湾作为中国的一部分,与祖国大陆在现代化进程中有许多相似的地方,对台湾权威政体与现代化的研究具有一定的参考意义。     

法兰克福学派的权威主义研究

对权威主义问题的关注,在双全意义上构成法兰克福学派的权威主义研究的理论背景：一方面是路德以来权威问题上的理性或非理性理论传统的一部分;另一方面是德国历士传统中源远流长的权威主义或反权威主义主张的一部分。     

Trees and umbrellas: a parallel reading of the Istanbul Gezi Park Movement and the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement

This paper makes a parallel reading of two recent urban protest movements: the 2013 Istanbul Gezi Park Movement (GPM) and the 2014 Hong Kong Umbrella Movement (UM). As regional centers at both ends of Asia, Istanbul and Hong Kong might at f?rst sight appear to be incongruent cities for comparison. Istanbul’s recent past has been defined by contrasting opinions about the city’s post-imperial identity, while Hong Kong’s recent past has been shaped by competing visions around the city’s post-colonial status. Directing attention to the striking parallels between the GPM and UM in terms of the nature of the events themselves, the profile of the participants and opponents, the government response that they received, and the cultural sensitivities concerning the questions of belonging and identity that they rekindled, the paper argues that comparative studies of the new urban protest movements would provide significant insights for discerning the dynamics of emerging illiberal democracies across the world.     

The Left and Indonesia’s 1960s: the politics of remembering and forgetting

Abstract

This article examines a pivotal decade in the recent history of Indonesian society: the 1960s. It examines the context within which the Left came to be decisively, and violently, defeated as a social and political force. It then studies the consequences of this defeat for Indonesia’s subsequent historical trajectory. The article also suggests that history‐writing anywhere is nothing less than the politics of remembering (and forgetting). What is at stake in these exercises is ultimately tied up with the legitimacy of entire social orders and systems of power. Thus, in Indonesia, the trauma of 1965 and its aftermath banished, from the collective memory of Indonesians, the political role of the Left – except in the form that runs through New Order‐era discourse on Indonesian communism. For Indonesians born or raised after 1965, the ‘communist treason’ became, arguably, the most critical element of the grand narrative of post‐colonial Indonesian history, which was so important in legitimising New Order authoritarianism. The current inability of Indonesian society and its elites to acknowledge and confront the reality of the horrors of the 1960s might prove to be a major impediment to a more genuine and substantive democratisation process.     

东亚模式的争议与我见

东亚模式是否存在,是近年来特别是东亚金融危机后国内外学术界争议颇大的问题之一。本文认为,促进东亚经济腾飞的基本要素即东亚模式。东亚模式的基本特征可分经济、政治、文化三种类别,每一类模式中均有诸多不同于西方模式的特征。但与西方欧美成熟模式相比,东亚模式仍处于初期阶段,经金融危机考验后需要经过整合而成为第二代发展模式。不能用西方现代的模式标准来衡量东亚刚刚起步的模式。应从思维方式上抛弃历史唯心主义     

新加坡威权政治下的治国之道

新加坡是在后殖民地时期的城市国家基础上发展而来的。建国之初,新加坡在地缘、经济、政治文化、社会结构和国际等方面面临诸多不利因素,它选择建立人民行动党一党独大的威权政治。廉洁的“好政府”模式,人民行动党务实的治国精神,精英治国、德治与法治相结合的治国理念,以及东西方融合的共同价值观倡导,造就了令世界瞩目的繁荣、和谐与文明的新加坡,新加坡威权政治下的治国之道,有力证明,构建符合本国国情的本土化的治国之道才是富有成效和民众期待的。     

“权威主义”性格：近代新兴知识分子的心理探析

由于封建王权主义权威的衰落、科举制度的废除和思想上的失落，新兴知识分子在政治、经济和文化上都从主流走向边缘，由此形成了一种权威主义性格，即施虐（挑战权威）倾向与受虐（依附权威）倾向并存。前者的存在为近代知识分子激进革命提供了新的原由；后者的分析则为当今知识分子批判精神的不足厘清了历史的进路。     

权威主义的变迁与韩国教育政策的制定——以20世纪60年代以来为中心

权威主义在韩国有着悠久的历史,被视为韩国政治文化最基本的特征和指导理念,影响着韩国教育政策的制定。20世纪60年代以来,体现在教育政策制定中的权威主义呈现逐渐减弱的趋势,经由后权威主义过渡到权威自由主义,在权威主义变迁的各个阶段,教育政策制定的主体、过程与特征存在明显不同。通过对权威主义变迁与教育政策制定二者关系的考察发现,二者之间存在基本的对应关系,权威主义的变迁影响了韩国教育政策的制定。     

Intellectuals and Warriors: The Ideological and Political Basis of Francoist University Sport, 1933–1946

Abstract

Examining the use of sport by totalitarian regimes during the interbellum period reveals that politicians saw the potential of sport not only for patriotic expression and international exhibition but also as a means to exert control over youth. Francoism participated in such uses of sport, imitating German and Italian organizations’ development of a youth sport structure. The Franco regime emphasized sport in universities to the extent that it made physical education a required subject to obtain a degree. This study’s primary objective is to reconstruct the doctrinal genesis of Francoist university sport, tracing it to the years before the Spanish Civil War, specifically noting the international influences that sustained it and the draft regulations that gave it legal standing despite resistance from both university youth and from sport. To this end, documentary sources are analyzed, including archival material, printed sources (legal decrees written during the period examined in this study and historical accounts of the subject), publications of Falange and related organizations, and speeches and proclamations from Falange and the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU).