Bahadur-Kiefer过程模的渐近分布

在随机右删失情况下,证明了基于核光滑PL估计和PL分位点估计的Bahadur-Kiefer过程的模的弱极限定理.     

宪法的缺陷——违宪审查的弊端

宪法是一国的根本大法,它详尽地规定了一国的政治、经济、文化及社会生活的各项基本制度,决定了一国的经济基础和国家性质,因而宪法的有效实施就显得尤为重要。违宪审查制度就是保证宪法得以有效实施,裁定并处罚违宪行为的一项根本的宪法制度。     

"新兴电影运动"时期的电影审查制度

30年代“新兴电影”所体现的知识分子的忧患意识、源自社会理想的现实批判意识,使此前的电影创作无法企及,但它又处处与统治当局的正统意识形态相悖,受到种种限制与迫害。因而这个时期,也正是国民政府电影审查制度颁布最稠密、实施最严厉的时期,充分体现出国民政府国家机器对电影业的强权干预。     

Progressivism Meets Jim Crow: Curriculum Revision and Development in Houston,Texas, 1924-1929∗

As was true for many school districts across the United States during the early decades of the twentieth century, Houston Independent School District sought modernization through a multimillion dollar building program and curricular reform. Houston's new course of study, heavily influenced by the theories of child-centered pedagogy, received widespread praise from curricular experts at the nation's top schools of education. In the 1920s, Houston was a segregated, southern city that, in many ways, shared the conservatism of the region. Nevertheless, Houston's superintendent, E.E. Oberholtzer, was able to overcome resistance from taxpayers and teachers to successfully implement his program. Corporate élites from the petroleum industry, among the biggest boosters of progressive educational reform in Houston, believed that a child-centered curriculum would develop the leadership skills and creative ability needed to train white-collar workers for the expanding economy. Those left behind, primarily students of color, were further disadvantaged in the changing job market. Jim Crow was an essential component to the success of the reform policies in Houston. As twenty-five per cent of the population, African-American students deserved twenty-five per cent of the district's revenues. Segregation allowed the district to use almost one hundred per cent of the money for curriculum reform on only seventy-five per cent of the population. Nevertheless, Houston manufacturers were dependent on unskilled black labor and were hit hard by the exodus of the Great Migration. Thus, corporate élites could not be too blatant in their discrimination against African-Americans. The pro-industry school board responded to the threats of migration and the demands of Houston's vociferous black press by building two new modern African-American high schools, refurbishing "Old Colored High School," and vastly improving the number and condition of elementary schools for black children. Yet, although these new schools did represent a vast improvement over black education before Oberholtzer's arrival in Houston, in the face of massive expenditures and dramatic improvements in white education, the material gains of black students lagged far behind the educational opportunities for white students. While the new, child-centered curriculum excluded black students (except for the heroic efforts of individual black educators), curriculum development excluded the vast majority of teachers. White teachers lost considerable power over pedagogical decisions in their own classrooms as they faced onerous, top-down directives. The district maintained control over teacher education by opening a junior college in 1927 to train white teachers according to the new pedagogy. Many white teachers resented the district's efforts to tie salary raises to increased educational qualifications, even for experienced teachers. In 1928 conflicts with the superintendent contributed to the growth of new memberships in the all-white Houston Teachers Association. In response, the school district passed a significant salary increase for white teachers that was funded partially by reducing the automatic annual increases in black teacher salaries. Intense job competition within African-American schools kept black teachers from protesting their discriminatory salaries and treatment. Ironically, many black teachers, excluded from training in child-centered pedagogy, welcomed additional educational opportunities. Black teachers themselves fought for the creation of Houston Junior College for Negroes, although the new college failed to receive adequate funding. Thus, the school administration modernized white schools by denying new educational opportunities to black students and teachers. While many scholars have criticized the supposed "advantages" of progressive education, in Houston, at least, progressivism operated as another form of unearned white privilege.     

苏联书报检查制度研究

意识形态对于苏联国家和社会具有异乎寻常的意义,在苏联形成了一套独特的意识形态管理模式。在这一体系之中,书报检查乃是最重要的核心机制,在意识形态控制中所起的作用至关重要。书报检查的严酷程度可以说是与意识形态控制相对应的,研究书报检查制度不仅能令人们了解在出版和其他媒体行业中书报检查具体如何施行,能对苏联的意识形态控制问题更加清楚明了,同时也在一定程度上填补了国内学界对于苏联书报检查制度相关内容的研究空白。     

Regulating Swish: Early Television Censorship

This article investigates the mechanisms of early television censorship from 1947 to 1952, looking at the restrictions placed on content, and the process that shows and advertisements went through before being broadcast. This article focuses on the inner workings of the National Broadcasting Company's (NBC) censoring arm, the Continuity Acceptance Department, and takes into consideration the medium-specific qualities of television and the challenges presented to those who had the task of regulating broadcast content. In addition to a general discussion of regulations, this article examines the censorship of homosexual characterizations in early television, looking specifically at the use of ‘swish’ routines (which make use of stereotyped gay mannerisms) in comedy shows. While networks and the National Association for Radio and Television Broadcasters established codes to govern their censorship apparatuses, the process of censorship was less an enforcement of hard and fast rules than a constant negotiation over content and allowable material.     

The Use of Communication Technology in Thailand's Political Process

Thailand's political landscape has changed dramatically during the past five years. The rapid growth of communication technology in Thailand has been instrumental in generating political participation in the national elections of 2001 and 2005. In this article we provide the results of a benchmark study that assesses the early period of this political transformation. Specifically, we examined the use of television and of the Internet for political information by interviewing 500 urban residents. Our results indicate that likely voters actively gathered political knowledge from television advertisements and political party websites. Although use of television and the Internet for political purposes did not increase direct involvement in political parties, it did promote participation in the 2001 national election. Implications of these findings for future research on the use of communication technology for political communication in Asia are discussed.     

The Origins of the Freedom to Read Foundation: Public Librarians' Campaign to Establish a Legal Defense against Library Censorship

This article examines public librarians' experiences with attempted censorship, including their dismay, anger, and disappointment with fellow librarians and their professional organizations, which those under attack found apathetic in safeguarding user rights and protecting their jobs as library professionals. Some of these librarians became the activists who campaigned for the creation of the American Library Association's (ALA) legal defense machinery, along with other primarily young progressive librarians, who pushed forward their own agenda. This study highlights these public librarians' struggles, which made the Freedom to Read Foundation (FTRF) and ALA leading professional organizations in championing intellectual freedom. The study focuses on cases that shaped ALA's policy that led to the establishment of a defense mechanism for librarians in the late 1960s and 1970s. It also examines the extent to which ALA upheld the organization's professional credo and its members' rights.     

The Active Approach A Blueprint for Citizenship Education in the 80 s

School administrators and teachers need to recognize that most persons—including would-be censors of school-related media communications—simply do not understand the complexities germane to measuring the impact of the mass media and the specific messages transmitted to broader audiences via a variety of media channels. In particular, what most laypersons fear are the perceived negative short-term effects while they ignore the critically important question of long-term influence. The author argues that administrators and teachers have a responsibility to better inform themselves vis-à-vis media influence so that they are able to effectively respond to concerns of potential censors of school related materials. They need, in point of fact, to become educators in the broadest meaning of that word.     

The benevolent health worm: comparing Western human rights-based ethics and Confucian duty-based moral philosophy

Censorship in the area of public health has become increasingly important in many parts of the world for a number of reasons. Groups with vested interest in public health policy are motivated to censor material. As governments, corporations, and organizations champion competing visions of public health issues, the more incentive there may be to censor. This is true in a number of circumstances: curtailing access to information regarding the health and welfare of soldiers in the Kuwait and Iraq wars, poor health conditions in Aboriginal communities, downplaying epidemics to bolster economies, and so forth. This paper will look at the use of a computer worm (the benevolent health worm) to disseminate vital information in␣situations where public health is threatened by government censorship and where there is great risk for those who ‹speak out’. The discussion of the benevolent health worm is focused on the Peoples’ Republic of China (China) drawing on three public health crises: HIV/AIDS, SARS and Avian Influenza. Ethical issues are examined first in a general fashion and then in a specific manner which uses the duty-based moral philosophy of Confucianism and a Western human rights-based analysis. Technical, political and legal issues will also be examined to the extent that they better inform the ethical debate.