排序方式: 共有78条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
71.
程志伟 《安庆师范学院学报(社会科学版)》2008,27(10):37-41
西方主要资本主义国家出现四种不同违宪审查模式。司法机关审查模式的渊源是分权与制衡学说,宪法委员会审查模式的出发点是宪法至上,宪法法院审查模式则包容了司法机关审查模式和宪法委员会审查模式的特点。我国要进一步发挥全国人大及其常委会监督宪法实施功能,充分利用质询、特定问题调查、罢免、撤销等制度解决违宪问题。 相似文献
72.
马继红 《贵州教育学院学报》2002,18(6):69-73
宪法监督的核心是违宪监督,违宪分为一级违宪和二级违宪,宪法监督应以一级违宪监督为主。为加强和完善我国的宪法监督,应立足国情做到以下几个方面:用发展的观点指导建立专门的宪法监督机构;建立宪法控诉制度;改善宪法监督环境。 相似文献
73.
霍修勇 《湖南城市学院学报》2001,22(5):63-66
近20年来,湖南辛亥革命史研究成果颇丰.主要从经济、军事、会党、政权等几个方面进行了较全面的总结、概括,但对于辛亥革命时期湖南经济的量化分析、湖南新军的情况等方面的研究仍有待深入. 相似文献
74.
《Journal of International and Intercultural Communication》2013,6(3):187-205
Abstract News translation, which takes many forms, encounters two types of cultural resistance that hinder intercultural understanding. The first is apparent in the need to transform a text in order to make it meaningful in a new context, while the second results from the irreducibility of culture as a way of life to the form of a text. This article illustrates both forms of resistance by analyzing a story originally broadcast on The National in Canada in 1992, and it concludes by considering the implications of the power relations between journalists and the people they describe in acts of news translation. 相似文献
75.
亚历山大·汉密尔顿是美国名的法学家,在美国宪法史上占有非常重要的地位。他积极推动制宪会议的召开,努力为批准宪法而斗争,忠实履行宪法赋予的权力,努力捍卫宪法确立的共和制。 相似文献
76.
宪政是一种主要通过程序的能效实现民主,控制国家权力扩张的体制。主要通过程序这种相对优越的方式控权,是宪政的一种理想状态,所以说实现程序控权是宪政的理想目标。实现宪法的程式化,是我国宪政走向实现的重要环节,是程序控权理论在宪政建设中得以运用的主要途径。本文主要探讨了程序控权、宪政以及宪法程序三者的关系,对宪法程序正当化进行了构想。 相似文献
77.
Christopher Anglim 《Legal Reference Services Quarterly》2018,37(3-4):159-203
This selective bibliography is intended to assist legal researchers in researching the 25th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.1 In addition to Article II, Clause 6, and the Presidential Succession Act of 1947,2 the 25th Amendment is part of the fundamental law governing presidential succession in the United States. This bibliography compiles books, book chapters, and law review articles to facilitate legal research in this area.3When ratified in 1967, the 25th Amendment culminated nearly 175 years of Congressional effort to resolve Constitutional vagueness on certain procedure involving the temporary or permanent incapacitation of the president. While the 25th amendment did not fundamentally change the constitutional procedure of presidential succession, it did significantly clarify areas of uncertainty with the purpose of complying with the apparent intentions of the Framers of the Constitution on presidential succession.4Since Donald Trump became president in January 2017, there has been an ongoing public debate over his provocative rhetoric and actions, and his reportedly dysfunctional presidency. In 2017, for example, questions arose about his emotional stability when he apparently tweeted threatening language involving nuclear weapons in response to statements made by Kim Jong-un, the leader of North Korea.5In addition, significant concerns arose after an anonymous letter to the editor appeared in the New York Times, allegedly sent by a high-ranking administration official, stating he or she was part part of the “resistance” within the White House, which was attempting to block some of President Trump’s allegedly more dangerous actions. The author reported that there was a group of similarly situated White House officials who believe that the president was unfit for office and that there was an effort to remove Trump under the Section 4 of the 25th Amendment.6 More recently, former FBI Director Andrew McCabe revealed that Justice Department officials had sought to discuss the possibility of invoking the 25th Amendment with cabinet officials.Because of the critical importance of the issues involved for the nation today, this article includes sources discussing when the 25th Amendment can be invoked and whether Donald Trump’s pattern of statements and behavior could give cause to invoke the 25th Amendment. As current events suggest, the issue of whether Trump should be removed under the 25th Amendment is likely to remain an issue of public concern for the foreseeable future. 相似文献
78.
青维富 《四川师范学院学报》2010,(4):14-18
在英国,法律和政治的关系主要体现在宪法性权利的保护上,因为宪法性权利不仅要影响英国议会议员、政府官员以及司法官员的特定是非观念,而且要影响其立法过程、执法过程和司法过程的程序。就政治与法律之间关系的一般理论而言,直接关涉到英国的政治、法律和人的活动,并体现英国宪法性人权与立法之关系以及英国宪法性人权的保护方式,进而通过英国人权法与英国法官具有政治性的裁决之间的相互作用诠释其对英国社会可能产生的影响以及型构英国法律和政策的制定程序。 相似文献