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91.
在印尼,权威政治体系终结了,但是,真正民主的政治体系尚未建立起来,推行民主的各种条件也还不成熟,目前的印尼正处于一个过渡时期。由于许多条件的限制,印尼恐怕在短期内很难顺利完成过渡,建立起真正的民主制度。印尼目前正在进行一系列政治经济改革,但这些改革能否真正取得成效,还要看今后的实践。总的来说,印尼人民还没有做好推行民主的思想准备,他们可能还要长期承受政治经济转型带来的阵痛。  相似文献   
92.
浅析印尼华文教育的复苏及前景   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
周聿峨  陈雷 《比较教育研究》2003,24(9):82-85,90
印尼华文教育具有跌宕起伏的兴衰史。近年来,由于华文教育的性质、国际形势、印尼国内局势的变化以及华文价值的增强,断层达30年的印尼华文教育迅速复苏。随着国际局势的缓和与经济全球化的趋势,印尼华文教育将朝非政治化、国际化、本土化及多样化等方向进一步发展,但也存在师资、资金、教材及学习意愿等诸多问题。  相似文献   
93.
Disparate groups with dissimilar agendas, ranging from the Indonesian government to grassroots education collectives, agree that training and education play an important role in preparing women for safe labour migration. However, perspectives on precisely how this training and education should be structured and what information should be included vary widely. This article, which is based on 10 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Indonesia, explores the range of perspectives on what it means to become educated about migration for domestic labour. Particular attention is given to migrant women’s emphasis on the idea of being siap mental (mentally ready) for migration. This research sheds light on the challenges to developing education programmes for migrant women workers and contributes empirical evidence on the role that nonformal or out-of-school education can play in shaping values and social norms.  相似文献   
94.
This paper examines United States–Indonesian cooperation in the training of Indonesian teachers during the early decades of the Cold War. Indonesia badly needed teachers but the government’s efforts to train new teachers were hampered by the tremendous lack of teachers who could train new teachers. The aid provided by the United States enabled the Indonesian government to send its prospective teachers to study in the United States and to have American educationists help develop teachers’ colleges in Indonesia. How far did the decolonisation of teacher training and the making of a new education standard in postcolonial Indonesia reflect the conflicting ideological undertones and the US strategy of the Cold War? This paper argues that the US–Indonesian cooperation in teacher training marked a significant stage in the decolonisation of Indonesia. Yet, it also fostered the US cultural strategy of the Cold War in Southeast Asia.  相似文献   
95.
After the fall of Suharto in May 1998, mass rallies yelling anti-Malaysia sentiment broke out several times in a number of major cities in Indonesia. The rallies were triggered by various conflicting issues involving the two countries. Every time a mass rally against Malaysia happens, memory of “Konfrontasi” is recalled, as is seen in the use of “Ganyang Malaysia” (Crush Malaysia) rhetoric, whereas during the Suharto era, the narrative of the historical episode of “Konfrontasi” was constructed in the tone of criticizing Sukarno’s “Crush Malaysia” campaign as an escape from the internal economic crisis, rather than as an expression of nationalist sentiment. However, as this article addresses, there is a gap between the “national memory” as is constructed by the history school textbook and “popular memory” as is embodied in society. Beneath this “popular memory,” as this paper contends, there is a sort of nationalist sentiment in the sense of longing for “national pride” as projected upon the “persona” of Sukarno.  相似文献   
96.
Abstract

This article examines a pivotal decade in the recent history of Indonesian society: the 1960s. It examines the context within which the Left came to be decisively, and violently, defeated as a social and political force. It then studies the consequences of this defeat for Indonesia’s subsequent historical trajectory. The article also suggests that history‐writing anywhere is nothing less than the politics of remembering (and forgetting). What is at stake in these exercises is ultimately tied up with the legitimacy of entire social orders and systems of power. Thus, in Indonesia, the trauma of 1965 and its aftermath banished, from the collective memory of Indonesians, the political role of the Left – except in the form that runs through New Order‐era discourse on Indonesian communism. For Indonesians born or raised after 1965, the ‘communist treason’ became, arguably, the most critical element of the grand narrative of post‐colonial Indonesian history, which was so important in legitimising New Order authoritarianism. The current inability of Indonesian society and its elites to acknowledge and confront the reality of the horrors of the 1960s might prove to be a major impediment to a more genuine and substantive democratisation process.  相似文献   
97.
明确印尼华文教育的定位,确立与之相适应的华文教育理念,应是克服困难障碍、规避风险、争取华文教育持续发展的重要前提。本文依据近年来对华侨大学华文学院300余名印尼华裔学生与非华裔学生的调查。并结合在印尼教授汉语时的有关调查,探讨印尼华文教育的定位问题。  相似文献   
98.
Using two waves (2007, 2014) of Indonesian Family Life Survey data, this paper investigates effects of parental chronic illness on educational attainment of children in Indonesia. Studies on this nonpecuniary cost of adult morbidity are rare in the literature despite its significance in future wellbeing of people in developing countries. This paper is distinguished from existing related studies in that it accounts for the duration of illness in the estimation of the effects. The results show that girls whose father suffers from chronic illness for a longer duration achieve significantly lower educational levels between 2007 and 2014, compared to children of their same age cohort with healthy parents. In contrast, boys are unaffected by the father’s duration of chronic illness. Furthermore, this paper finds no evidence that mother’s duration of chronic illness affects educational attainment of children in Indonesia.  相似文献   
99.
This article reads contemporary popular publications in Indonesia on the topic of Indonesian–Malaysian relations. It looks at how Indonesia perceives Malaysia and the function of that perception in relation to Indonesian national identity. The article also looks at how Indonesian perceptions of Malaysia were discussed during the revolutionary period by reading the speeches held at the constitutional meeting (BPUPKI) and the Konfrontasi period, reading the speeches written by Sukarno and the letter of Pan-Malay leader exiled in Indonesia, Ibrahim Yaacob. The article then compares the ideas espoused by Sukarno, Yaacob and others in the past and the arguments presented in the present day concerning Malaysia. A preliminary conclusion is reached that geopolitical anxiety and not kinship is a more important factor in how contemporary Indonesia sees Malaysia.  相似文献   
100.
ABSTRACT

This paper attempts to reassess the work of two contemporary writers in the 1930s: Gilberto Freyre in Brazil and E. du Perron in the Netherlands Indies (Indonesia). Their famous narratives (respectively, Casa-Grande e Senzala and Het Land van Herkomst) present a (post) colonial world where inequality, violence and racism are almost as conspicuous as mixing and contact across the colour lines. In fact, although one work is a sociological and historical interpretation of colonial and imperial Brazil and the other a literary reworking of personal reminiscences related to Indies society in the early twentieth century, both construct worlds that present several important similarities.  相似文献   
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