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51.
澳门旅游市场的旅游主体分析   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
旅游主体是旅游目的地旅游产品的购买,是旅游目的地形象的受体和感知,是旅游目的地旅游业发展的导向。着重分析了澳门旅游市场中旅游主体的市场状况、客源类型与客流量、游客消费结构与消费水平,为澳门旅游业的旅游产品、旅游形象设计、宣传与推广提供依据。  相似文献   
52.
In the former Portuguese colony, Macau, higher education is gaining more importance in the post-1999 era in local talent-building and regional integration to safeguard its socioeconomic sustainability. This paper is based on a recent and ‘innovative’ development in the arena of higher education in the territory, a creation of new space in mainland China for a local public university. By adopting a critical spatial perspective, we examine this idiosyncratic Macau model in three aspects: (1) What kind of power/knowledge production occurs in this new creation of space? (2) How does this new space (re)configure Macau higher education development in both local and global contexts? (3) In what ways does this emergent space re-order the relations between the state, society and school? In employing this spatial stance, we aim to open up understanding of how spatiality affects diverse possibilities in the case of Macau, in global higher education movement more broadly.  相似文献   
53.
本文将根据在英国发现的刊物原件所作的考证,推断1833年由马礼逊创办的中文期刊——《杂闻篇,》是中国境内出版的第一份近代化中文期刊、第一份用铅活字排印的期刊、澳门历史上第一份中文期刊。  相似文献   
54.
当幼师发现同侪在工作上遇到困难时,多会向他们提供帮助,例如教学方法和其他信息的分享。但提供帮助时若被同侪拒绝,幼师会有何反应呢?我们基于一项有关助人被拒的理论为蓝本,透过问卷探讨229位幼师当向同侪提出帮助时被拒的感受和反应。我们预测幼师连番被拒将引致自尊受损,而自尊心较高的幼师,其自尊心受损的程度比自尊心较低的幼师更强烈。本研究亦探讨自尊心高或低的幼师采用什么方法面对被拒的窘境。结果显示幼师的反应大致符合我们的预测。  相似文献   
55.
本文从总结近年来珠海电大开展对澳教育入手,研究分析了电大开放教育立足澳门特区的囿限,提出了电大开放教育立足澳门特区的对策——依托珠海电大建立中央或省直属教学中心。  相似文献   
56.
运用价值链系统理论及其分析方法,研究文化创意产业价值链的构成及其特点,探究粤港澳文化创意产业发展现状及其优劣。在此基础上,运用产业价值链的分析方法,探析粤港澳地区文化创意产业进一步协调发展的模式。  相似文献   
57.
明中叶以来,随着西方殖民势力的东来,澳门成为被葡萄牙长期占据的第一块殖民地。伴随殖民势力而来的西方传教士,经过澳门向中国内地传教,于是,以他们为媒介,具有近代意义的中西文化交流便首先在澳门发生并逐步扩展开去。中西文化交流给澳门和中国社会带来了广泛而深远的影响,并引发了近代中国的一系列革命,从而促进了中国的近代化进程  相似文献   
58.
This article discusses the emotions and cultural politics within domestic work contexts involving employers and migrant domestic workers in Macau. Since Macau was transferred back to China from Portugal in 1999, the Macau SAR government has pursued a neoliberal economic policy that emphasizes economic growth. With a revitalized economy boosted by casino revenues, thousands of migrant workers have moved to Macau to take advantage of new employment opportunities. Based on first-hand interviews with migrant domestic workers and employers in Macau, this paper examines how emotions are motivated and articulated within the affective interactions between employers and Migrant Domestic Workers (MDWs). This includes how employers’ emotions of fear and disgust towards MDWs contribute to the creation of an MDW population as a feared and inferior “other,” and how such affective operations reinforces the existing hegemonic dominance of naming and legitimizing the exploitation of MDWs. Meanwhile, in the production of domesticity in the home, this paper explores how emotions such as emotional numbness and disgust experienced by the MDWs make affective negotiations and contestation possible, and generate disobedience and resistance to the disciplines and controls imposed upon them. This article also investigates how such emotions, acting as a kind of intervention, operate within the production of specific subjectivities and identities that MDWs want to claim for themselves.  相似文献   
59.
How do governed postcolonial subjects perform resistance in the age of the internet? What are their oppositional practices, networks and creativity? This paper offers an empirical analysis of the emerging network politics in Macau, the former colony of Portugal whose sovereignty was returned to China in 1999, by focusing on netizens' engagement with the postcolonial governance. This research considers “government” as consisting of not only power but freedom. It starts with an interest in the “failure” of the government—that is, how the new regime, which attempts to insert the postcolonial subject into a new power structure, actually fails to produce a completely uniform and obedient subjectivity. Instead, its rule is saturated with a multiplicity of “netwars” which take advantage of the opportunities and resources offered by the new media environment. The network struggle, which is not unified under any single authority, enables a segment of the governed population to do politics and constitute subjectivity otherwise. In particular, I illustrate how egao, which opens official icons of the administration to negotiation and contestation, allows the governed to make their own political statements. The postcolonial cyberpolitics is simultaneously agonistic and playful, expressing what Foucault calls the refusal “to be ruled in such manners”, or the desire for alternative mode of governing.  相似文献   
60.
以澳门《非高等教育制度纲要法》规定的教育总目标为评价标准,通过学校问卷调查、学生评定和课堂观察,本研究发现,澳门中小学品德与公民教育取得了一定成效,并表现出如下的特点:品德教育的成效优于公民教育,又私德教育成效优于公德教育。本文从澳门的历史背景出发,配合有关研究文献,针对上述特点的成因进行了探讨。  相似文献   
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