Repertoires of collective action in an “IT City”: Urban civil society negotiations of offline and online spaces in Bangalore

This paper examines the ways in which two Internet-based civil society groups, Hasiru Usiru and Praja, negotiate online and offline spaces of collective action in Bangalore, India’s “IT City.” Based on ethnographic research, the study extends collective action theory through an examination of communicative interactions and experiences of urban civil society actors in a developing country. The paper highlight factors that impede and support collective actions, including attitudes toward the Internet as a tool for democratic engagement, ideological motivations, and perceptions of identity and membership, among others. Such a line of inquiry is significant in highlighting the possibilities of ICTs for collective action, while simultaneously avoiding the tendency to inflate and overestimate their capacity to produce social change.     

Towards a radical digital citizenship in digital education

In this article, we attempt to define and explore a concept of ‘radical digital citizenship’ and its implications for digital education. We argue that the ‘digital’ and its attendant technologies are constituted by on-going materialist struggles for equality and justice in the Global South and North which are erased in the dominant literature and debates in digital education. We assert the need for politically informed understandings of the digital, technology and citizenship and for a ‘radical digital citizenship’ in which critical social relations with technology are made visible and emancipatory technological practices for social justice are developed.     

Listening to students about the Umbrella Movement of Hong Kong

Abstract

This article gives voice to student activists who participated in the 2014 Hong Kong pro-democracy Occupy movement, also known as the Umbrella Movement. It provides an alternative perspective from which to view those events. We want to examine how the activism impacted students’ understanding of their involvement and identity. We argue that it is necessary to interpret the experiences and voices of the leaders of the movement in light of other Asian student movements. We start by establishing parallels with various student movements across Asia over the last century: the May Fourth student movement (1919); the Beijing student movement preceding the Tiananmen incident (1989); the Sunflower Movement of Taiwan (March 2014) and its rejection of the very notion of ‘Cross-Strait’; and the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement. We argue that civil disobedience by Hong Kong students existed before the street barricades of the Umbrella Movement, and already constituted a public, in a Deweyan sense. We further argue that the Umbrella Movement brought about a deep change in the self-image of Hong Kong students, and other education stakeholders’ political culture, and that its impact was felt beyond local boundaries.     

Representation and conflict of interest among students on higher education governing boards

Student participation in higher education governance is commonplace in many countries around the globe. This participation can take many forms, but one prevalent form is through the inclusion of students as members of institutional governing boards, commonly called student trustees. This practice is not without critique with governance scholars often cautioning against student board membership. They cite the potential for student members to engage in representative behaviour, which may lead them to focus primarily on student issues or cast votes which may be in the best interest of themselves or their fellow students as the primary objection to student board members. This study of student trustees in the United States examines the extent to which these individuals engage in such behaviours, examining interactions between student board members and students at their institutions for signs of whether these oft states concerns have a basis in practice.     

From reticence to resistance: understanding educators’ engagement with indigenous environmental issues in Canada

Educators who introduce critical socio-ecological issues into learning contexts often experience formidable internal and external challenges. This is especially true when intersecting Indigenous and environmental issues are involved. Compounding such difficulties in Canada is an inadequate level of pre-service, curricular, resource, and research support in this area. As such, while an increasing number of bold educators are incorporating discussion of Indigenous environmental issues, activism, and related history, law, and policy into their teaching practice, many others are interested, but remain understandably reticent. This study explored the experiences of educators in a variety of contexts across Canada with attempting to incorporate critical consideration of Indigenous environmental issues into their teaching practice. Findings include discussion of challenges encountered, successful strategies employed, the societal significance of these considerations, and future research possibilities.     

From an essential being to an actor’s becoming: political ecology transformational learning experiences in adult education

Adult education in political ecology entails critically and constructively observing the interactions among the actors involved in socioecological conflicts at global and local scales. This definition invites transcending environmental education and education for sustainability’s frontiers, examining the ontology, or the ‘place’, from where actors co-construct these conflicts. If actors don’t question the reified and divided assumptions of the ‘self’ and ‘reality’ at the base of these conflicts, the creative and transformative potential of becoming together cannot unfold. The transformational learning approach is a coherent way of addressing this challenge, as it promotes an ontological change in actors and their worldview. The training experience offered by the University of Santiago provides insights into how transformational education’s perspective can contribute to education in political ecology, inciting an acknowledgment of the self and the world as a complex and dynamic entanglement of actors.     

Sustaining Secondary School Visions Over Time: Resistance, Resilience and Educational Reform

This article focuses upon the sustainability of secondary school visions during a period of increasingly complex economic, social, demographic, and accountability driven change (1970–1990). Much of the classic change literature of this period highlights the failure of teachers to implement reform, and implicitly leans towards overcoming their resistance with short-term solutions so that external mandates can be institutionalized more effectively. Longitudinal studies are rarely attempted that consider the cumulative impact of both internal and external “change forces” upon teachers, or that identify the conditions necessary to ensure the sustainability of a schools vision “over time”. Viewed through the lens of resiliency, this article explores data from two high schools that participated in the Change Over Time Study (Spencer Foundation Grant number 199800214). Data suggest that not only can teacher resistance to innovation make good sense, but also, under certain conditions rarely supported by standardized reform, it can evoke a resilient, even activist, self-renewing response to change otherwise perceived to be disruptive or harmful to their school’s founding vision.     

Interrupting Everyday Life: Public Interventionist Art as Critical Public Pedagogy

In this article we explore two urban interventions art projects in the public sphere designed by our Masters’ students at New York University as they set the stage for a discussion on how urban art interventions can function as a form of critical public pedagogy. We argue that these kinds of public art projects provided a space for dialogue with people on the streets about the increased corporatisation of the public sphere. This kind of urban interventionism, we believe, is needed in art education today, as the public sphere is increasingly being eroded by private interests and it is only by reclaiming the public sphere that we can develop a cultural politics that in turn renews our democracy.     

Gender,Media and Protest

This article traces the ways in which the British suffragette Emily Wilding Davison was represented in national newspapers between 1913—the year she died—and 2013, the centenary of her death. We identify three key discourses through which Davison has been represented in four British newspapers throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first: delegitimisation, recuperation and trivialisation. In doing so, this paper provides original insights into the ways that the fight for women’s rights has been figured in different historical moments. A key argument is that over time, Davison’s militant actions—once cast as those of a hysterical lunatic—have slowly come to be recuperated and legitimised as part of the story of British democracy. However, this discursive shift cannot be straightforwardly celebrated as a progressive move in representations of women’s movements, as Davison is frequently invoked to delegitimise contemporary feminism. Our analysis charts the extent to which Davison has been visible (or not) in newspapers through different historical periods; the specific ways in which Davison’s image was transformed along with broader changes in women’s status; and it considers the political implications of these (in)visibilities and representations for contemporary feminism.     

After the spillover effect: news flows and power relations in Chinese mainstream media

Through a case study on the news flow of an online protest in China, this study explores how the power relations among the mainstream media affect, and are affected by, the spillover effect of news. Even though the Internet does serve as a catalyst to initiate alternative voices that otherwise wouldn't be heard in the established media, the results reveal that the power structure inherent in the mainstream media (particularly within their online versions) such as bureaucratic ranks and institutional ties with party organs, plays a significant role in shaping the trajectory of news flow and media framing strategies. The Internet compensates for the disadvantage of the lower-level media that are short of political resources, while the higher-level media tend to rely on the political capital to exercise their influence. At the same time, the media with more political resources have become increasingly intrepid in challenging the state. Such a dynamic takes place in the context of the changing state-media relations that have seen the authoritarian state shift its information control from a totalitarian mode to a practical one, even though the latter may open up a space for flow of information that can sometimes undermine state power.