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81.
The percentage of Latinas/os decreases at each stage in the educational pipeline and is especially proportionally low at the post-baccalaureate level. This study investigates the complexities of the quest to increase post-baccalaureate participation for Latina/o students. We present data on post-baccalaureate education by utilizing 2 comprehensive survey instruments distributed at 3 California State University campuses (Hispanic-Serving Institutions), 1 for current Latina/o students and alumni and the other for faculty and administrators. Findings indicate that students evaluate the value of post-baccalaureate studies based on sometimes problematic undergraduate experiences, cost, and perceived opportunity.  相似文献   
82.
Within the field of teacher education, increased emphasis has been placed on social justice education (SJE). This qualitative study examined a group of beginning teachers who voluntarily participated in a social justice critical inquiry project (CIP). The findings indicate that while many of them were successful at teaching social issues, they provided few to no opportunities for their students to engage in social action and they themselves did not participate in activism. To explain this, the participants used the following four tools of inaction: tools of substitution, postponement, displacement, and dismissal. These tools relieved the tension of not taking action and allowed the participants to postpone, justify, or redirect the responsibility of becoming active in struggling for sustainable social change. Understanding the use of these tools can help teacher educators to understand the process of development of social justice educators.  相似文献   
83.
试析美国的司法能动主义   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
美国的司法部门是美国分权体制的一个组成部分。近几十年来,司法部门在美国的政治过程和社会生活中发挥着越来越重要的作用,表现出司法能动主义的趋向。美国人对司法部门的宪法地位和政治作用看法不一,对司法能动主义的争论也将继续下去。  相似文献   
84.
Abstract

This is Introduction to the PESA conference 2014 held in Hamilton, NZ, is devoted to the conference theme of ‘Education as philosophies of engagement’. We provide a brief analysis of the modern history of ‘philosophies of engagement’ since the Second World War examining the notion of socially responsible writing and teaching.  相似文献   
85.
In this article, we describe the development and implementation of a project, “Our Leaders Are Us: Youth Activism in Social Movements”, that we undertook with New York City high school students exploring events leading up to and following the Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Brown. As part of a 50th anniversary celebration of the Brown decision, we designed a series of three workshops that sought to extend urban students’ knowledge of Brown, segregation, and activism and to examine the roles of young people in critical civil rights campaigns. In addition, we discussed with students the ways in which young people can be involved in contemporary social movements and the strategies they can use to effect what they perceive to be needed changes in their lives. Along with the researchers’ extensive field notes, the participating students completed questionnaires throughout the project so that their understanding of Brown and related issues could be documented. Using our findings, we suggest ways that educators can develop and implement similar programs for use in schools.
Erica N. WalkerEmail:
  相似文献   
86.
Critics of celebrity activism often assume that fans blindly follow celebrities who invite them to support celebrity activism and charity. These fans are often imagined as participating in celebrity activism only because their beloved celebrity asked them to — not out of any kind of rational understanding of a political issue, awareness of a public problem, or commitment to a public issue. We contest this view of celebrity activism. Drawing on scholars like Bennett, Ellcessor, and Chouliaraki, we argue that the case of Ian Somerhalder demonstrates that a commitment to a celebrity may actually be connected to a commitment to a public issue. We trace the ways in which Somerhalder plays with the slippage between television celebrity and his character, arguing that such slippage merges the intimacy fans feel for Damon with the intimacy fans feel for Somerhalder and imbues Somerhalder’s environmental appeals with the values his on-screen character comes to represent in The Vampire Diaries. We argue that Somerhalder deploys themes and ideals from The Vampire Diaries in his communication with fans and in his activist appeals. Ultimately, Somerhalder’s celebrity activism demonstrates how intimacy with celebrities might function to connect fans to public issues in powerful ways.  相似文献   
87.
遵循先例作为普通法系各国共同的基本规则,在英美两国司法过程中却存在差异。在贯彻先例规则时,英国的法官更注重形式推理,司法过程呈现明显的克制性与统一性;而美国的法官更注重实质推理,强调能动司法,司法过程具有明显的灵活性,并呈现出动态的发展模式。两国司法风格的差异根植于两国的文化之中。中国的法官现阶段应秉持司法能动的理念,但应当是司法克制下的司法能动,以衡平法律秩序与社会正义的内在冲突。  相似文献   
88.
Abstract

Response to the Presidential Address by Professor Hanan A. Alexander from the University of Haifa in Israel, delivered at the 2019 Religious Education Association annual meeting in Toronto, Canada.  相似文献   
89.
ABSTRACT

This study investigates the spatial practice of a subcultural activism of the “young radicals” in Seoul, South Korea through the lens of urban commoning. As a cohort of people born after the 1980s, these young musicians, artists, and cultural activists have endeavored to create, produce, and transform urban spaces through involvement in a series of anti-eviction protests. In particular, this study investigates how and why radical musicians, artists, and their associates have negotiated the chasms among their personal lifestyle, collective subculture, and political activism by pursuing their spatial practices for self-standing and survival over the past 10 years. Although not necessarily place specific, several cases are drawn from a group that relocated to the central area of Seoul since the mid-2010s, making its urban activism a subcultural (and transcultural) formation.  相似文献   
90.
In July 1885, a reluctant House of Lords was eventually persuaded to pass the Criminal Law Amendment Bill after three years of intense Parliamentary debate and prompted by W.T. Stead’s shocking expose of the Maiden Tribute scandal. The 1885 Act finally, and controversially, settled the age of sexual protection for young girls at 16 years but this threshold would be repeatedly contested over the next four decades. Moral campaigners continually sought to exert pressure on the Home Office to reform what we now recognise as a legal age of consent. But their contradictory demands to impose repressionist measures to punish young girls for sexual immorality while simultaneously lobbying for a more protectionist stance against sexual defilement made any legislative consensus impossible. This article explores and teases out the associated socio-legal complexities of such contradictions which, somewhat ironically, served as a stark rehearsal for the passage of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1922. An Act which did no more than simply reiterate the 1885 determination that 16 years should be the age of consent, a provision that has endured well into the twenty-first century.  相似文献   
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